“No doubt it has—but the possession of a power does not necessarily imply its use. We have power, as a nation, to make war on little Portugal, and crush her; but it would be very wicked to do so. When a member of Congress votes on any question that strictly applies to the District, he should reason precisely as if his constituents all lived in the District itself. You will understand, Timms, that liberty is closely connected with practice, and is not a mere creature of phrases and professions. What more intolerable tyranny could exist than to have a man elected by New Yorkers legislating for the District on strictly New York policy; or, if you will, on New York prejudices? If the people of the District wish to get rid of the institution of domestic slavery, there are ways for ascertaining the fact; and once assured of that, Congress ought to give the required relief. But in framing such a law, great care should be taken not to violate the comity of the Union. The comity of nations is, in practice, a portion of their laws, and is respected as such; how much more, then, ought we to respect this comity in managing the relations between the several States of this Union!” “Yes, the _sovereign_ States of the Union,” laying emphasis on the word we have italicized. “Pshaw—they are no more sovereign than you and I are sovereign.” “Not sovereign, sir!” exclaimed Timms, actually jumping to his feet in astonishment; “why this is against the National Faith—contrary to all the theories.” “Something so, I must confess; yet very good common sense. If there be any sovereignty left in the States, it is the very minimum, and a thing of show, rather than of substance. If you will look at the Constitution, you will find that the equal representation of the States in the Senate is the only right of sovereign character that is left to the members of the Union separate and apart from their confederated communities.”