The West Riding Territorials in the Great WarMagnus, Laurie
History
The West Riding Territorials in the Great War
Magnus, Laurie
Great Britain. Army. Division, 49th; Great Britain. Army. Division, 62nd; World War, 1914-1918 -- Regimental histories -- Great Britain
Take, for instance, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s fifth volume.[99] It opens
on a very _piano_ note. ‘The late winter and the early spring of 1918 saw
the balance tilted against the British and their comrades in the West,
through causes over which they had no control.... From November [1917]
to March [1918] an endless succession of troop trains were bearing the
divisions which had extended from the Baltic to the southern frontiers
of Russia, in order to thicken the formidable array already marshalled
across France.’ Or take the expert evidence of Major-General Sir
Frederick Maurice[100]: ‘In Europe 1917 was a year of disappointment for
the arms of the Allies.... From the beginning of November onward they
[the Germans] were moving troops from the Russian to the French front as
fast as their trains could carry them. It was calculated that the Germans
would be able to increase their strength on the Western front between the
beginning of November and the end of April by not less than a million and
a half of men’: a very nasty calculation for the Allied Command, and for
the two Governments behind it at home.
Moreover, there was not much time. This was the key to the situation.
Troops moving as fast as they could travel would reach their destination
earlier than troops which were moving through a longer distance at a
slower rate. ‘While it would be possible,’ wrote Sir Douglas Haig,[101]
‘for Germany to complete her new dispositions early in the new year, the
forces which America could send to France before the season would permit
active operations to be recommenced would not be large’: again, a very
simple calculation, but it entailed serious consequences. The first was,
that ‘it became necessary to change the policy governing the operations
of the British Armies in France’[102]; or, rather, this was less the
first consequence than the sum-total of the consequences, which involved
in their train all kinds of major and minor changes. The policy governing
the operations of the British Armies in France had to be changed. 1918
had to be adjusted to 1917; and, while the process of adjustment unmade,
or, at least, disturbed, the whole basis of British dispositions, and
robbed the seed-time of the harvest, it was by no means clear that the
new course would be either satisfactory or complete. For the change from
an offensive to a defensive policy, under the urgent threat of a German
advance, was accompanied by (1) a reduction in the British fighting
strength, (2) a deficiency in defensive training, and (3) an extension
of the British front by over twenty-eight miles. Such, briefly, was the
problem at the opening of December, 1917, while General Braithwaite’s
gallant troops were still winning laurels in front of Cambrai, and public
opinion in England was still uncertain whether the ‘break-through’ had
come or not. As a fact, it was coming from the other side. It was coming
with a weight of men and guns unequalled in the history of warfare. It
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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