The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates IJohnson, Samuel
History
The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates I
Johnson, Samuel
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons -- History -- 18th century
But, my lords, as it never can be forgotten, without injury to
particular persons, and danger to the state in general, it cannot be too
frequently recollected, or too firmly established; it ought not only to
be tacitly admitted, but publickly declared, since no man's fortune,
liberty, or life, can be safe, where his judges shall think themselves
at liberty to act upon any other principle. I therefore move, "That any
attempt to inflict any kind of punishment on any person without allowing
him an opportunity to make his defence, or without any proof of any
crime or misdemeanour committed by him, is contrary to natural justice,
the fundamental laws of this realm, and the ancient established usage of
the senate, and is a high infringement of the liberties of the subject."
He was seconded by the duke of DEVONSHIRE:--My lords, though the motion
made by the noble duke is of such a kind, that no opposition can be
expected or feared, yet I rise up to second it, lest it should be
imagined that what cannot be rejected is yet unwillingly admitted.
That where this maxim is not allowed and adhered to, rights and
liberties are empty sounds, is uncontestably evident; if this principle
be forsaken, guilt and innocence are equally secure, all caution is
vain, and all testimony useless. Caprice will, in our courts, supply the
place of reason, and all evidence must give way to malice, or to favour.
I hope, therefore, my lords, that your regard to justice, to truth, and
to your own safety, will influence you to confirm this great and
self-evident principle by a standing resolution, that may not only
restrain oppression in the present age, but direct the judiciary
proceedings of our successors.
Lord LOVEL rose next, and spoke as follows:--My lords, liberty and
justice must always support each other, they can never long flourish
apart; every temporary expedient that can be contrived to preserve or
enlarge liberty by means arbitrary and oppressive, forms a precedent
which may, in time, be made use of to violate or destroy it. Liberty is
in effect suspended whenever injustice is practised; for what is
liberty, my lords, but the power of doing right without fear, without
control, and without danger.
But, my lords, if any man may be condemned unheard, if judgment may
precede evidence, what safety or what confidence can integrity afford?
It is in vain that any man means well, and acts prudently; it is even in
vain that he can prove the justice and prudence of his conduct.
By liberty, my lords, can never be meant the privilege of doing wrong
without being accountable, because liberty is always spoken of as
happiness, or one of the means to happiness, and happiness and virtue
cannot be separated. The great use of liberty must, therefore, be to
preserve justice from violation; justice, the great publick virtue, by
which a kind of equality is diffused over the whole society, by which
wealth is restrained from oppression, and inferiority preserved from
servitude.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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