Sir William YONGE spoke next:--Sir, that some distinction ought to be made to the advantage of volunteers, if we intend to man our fleet without compulsion, is obvious and incontestable; and to avoid the necessity of compulsion ought to be the chief end of this bill; for nothing can be less to the advantage of the nation, than to continue the use of such ungrateful methods, and yet increase the publick expense. We ought, therefore, in my opinion, to determine upon some peculiar reward, either to be advanced upon their entrance into the service, or paid at their dismission from it. But as I see, sir, no reason for hoping that all the encouragement which can be offered, will raise volunteers in a sufficient number to secure our navigation, and assert our sovereignty, it seems not proper to confine our consultations to this part of the bill; for since compulsion is on many occasions apparently necessary, some method requires to be considered, in which it may be legal. What new power ought to be placed in the magistrate, for what time, and with what restrictions, I am far from assuming the province of determining; but that some measures must be taken for compelling those who cannot be persuaded, and discovering those that will not offer themselves, cannot admit of doubt; and as the magistrate is at present without any authority for this purpose, it is evident that his power must be extended, for the same reason as it was given in its present degree--the general benefit of the whole community. Sir John BARNARD then spoke to the following effect:--Sir, if the intent of this bill be to enable one part of the nation to enslave the other; if the plausible and inviting professions of encouraging and increasing seamen, are to terminate in violence, constraint, and oppression; it is unnecessary to dwell longer upon particular clauses. The intention of the bill is detestable, and deserves not the ceremony of debate, or the forms of common regard. If a man, sir, is liable to be forced from the care of his own private affairs, from his favourite schemes of life, from the engagements of domestick tenderness, or the prospects of near advantage, and subjected, without his consent, to the command of one whom he hates, or dreads, or perhaps despises, it requires no long argument to show, that by whatever authority he is thus treated, he is reduced to the condition of a slave, to that abject, to that hateful state, which every Englishman has been taught to avoid at the hazard of his life. It is therefore evident, that a law which tends to confer such a power, subverts our constitution as far as its effects extend; a constitution, which was originally formed as a barrier against slavery, and which one age after another has endeavoured to strengthen.