Captain CORNWALL rose up:--Sir, the term _seafaring men_, of which an explication is desired, is intended to include all those who live by conveying goods or passengers upon the water, whether the sea or inland rivers: nor can we restrain it to a narrower sense, without exempting from the publick service great numbers, whose manner of life has qualified them for it, and from whom their country may, with equal justice, expect assistance, as from those who are engaged in foreign traffick. Mr. VYNER replied:--Sir, I am far from concurring with the honourable gentleman in his opinion, that the inland watermen are, by their profession, in any degree qualified for sea service, or can properly be called _seafaring men_. All qualifications for the service must consist either in some knowledge of the arts of navigation, or in some familiarity with the dangers of the sea. With regard to any previous knowledge of naval business, it is well known that they have no advantage over any common labourer; for the manner of navigating a ship and a barge have, for the most part, nothing in common. Nor are these watermen, sir, more able to stand firm in the terrours of the storm, or the noise of a battle, than those who follow any other occupation. Many of them never saw the sea, nor have less dread of its danger than the other inhabitants of the inland counties. They are, therefore, neither _seafaring_ men, nor peculiarly capable of being made _seamen_. But the hardship upon particular men is not the strongest objection to this clause, which, by obstructing our inland navigation, may make our rivers useless, and set the whole trade of the nation at a stand. For who will bring up his son a waterman, who knows him exposed by that profession to be impressed for a seaman? It seems, therefore, necessary, sir, either to omit the term _seafaring men_ [Footnote: Agreed to be omitted.], or to explain it in such a manner, that inland watermen may not be included. Lord GAGE spoke next:--Sir, so much has been urged against the compulsive methods proposed in this clause, and so little produced in favour of them, that it may seem superfluous to add any thing, or to endeavour, by a multiplicity of arguments, to prove what common reason must immediately discover. But there is one consequence of this clause which has not yet been observed, and which is yet too important not to be obviated by a particular proviso. It is well known, sir, that many of those to whom this act will extend, are freeholders and voters, for electing the representatives of the nation; and it is therefore apparent, that elections may be influenced by an ill-timed or partial execution of it. How easy will it be, when an election approaches, to raise a false alarm, to propose some secret expedition, or threaten us with an invasion from some unknown country, and to seize on all the seafaring voters whose affections are suspected, and confine them at Spithead till the contest is over.