The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates IJohnson, Samuel
History
The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates I
Johnson, Samuel
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons -- History -- 18th century
I think it is universally agreed, that the condition of a man in debt is
already sufficiently miserable, and that it would be more worthy of the
legislative power to contrive alleviations of his hardships, than
additions to them; and it seems, therefore, no inconsiderable objection
to this bill, that, by conferring the power of entering houses by force,
it may give the harpies of the law an opportunity of entering, in the
tumult of an impress, and of dragging a debtor to a noisome prison,
under pretence of forcing sailors into the service of the crown.
Mr. TRACEY then said:--Sir, that some law for the ends proposed by the
bill before us, is necessary, I do not see how we can doubt, after the
declarations of the admirals, who are fully acquainted with the service
for which provision is to be made; and of the ministry, whose knowledge
of the present state of our own strength, and the designs of our
enemies, is, doubtless, more exact than they can acquire who are not
engaged in publick employments.
If, therefore, the measures now proposed are necessary, though they may
not be agreeable to the present dispositions of the people, for whose
preservation they are intended, I shall think it my duty to concur in
them, that the publick service may not be retarded, nor the safety of a
whole nation hazarded, by a scrupulous attention to minute objections.
Mr. CAMPBELL spoke as follows:--Sir, I have often, amidst my elogies on
British liberty, and my declarations of the excellence of our
constitution, the impartiality of our government, and the efficacy of
our laws, been reproached by foreigners with the practice of impresses,
as a hardship which would raise a rebellion in absolute monarchies, and
kindle those nations into madness, that have, for many ages, known no
other law than the will of their princes. A hardship which includes
imprisonment and slavery, and to which, therefore, no aggravations ought
to be added.
But if justice and reason, sir, are to be overborne by necessity; if
necessity is to stop our ears against the complaints of the oppressed,
and harden our hearts at the sight of their misery, let it, at least,
not destroy our memories, nor deprive us of the advantages of
experience.
Let us inquire, sir, what were the effects of this hateful authority
when it was formerly consigned to the magistrates. Were our fleets
manned in an instant? were our harbours immediately crowded with
sailors? did we surprise our enemies by our expedition, and make
conquests before an invasion could be suspected? I have heard, sir, of
no such consequences, nor of any advantages which deserved to be
purchased by tyranny and oppression. We have found that very few were
procured by the magistrates, and the charge of seizing and conveying was
very considerable; and, therefore, cannot but conclude that illegal
measures, which have been once tried without success, should, for a
double reason, never be revived.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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