The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates IJohnson, Samuel
History
The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10: Parlimentary Debates I
Johnson, Samuel
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons -- History -- 18th century
Let us now consider this argument with that care which is required by
the importance of the question, let us inquire what consequences will
follow from it, and to what previous suppositions it must owe its force.
The argument, sir, evidently supposes that the estimate in king
William's reign was drawn up without any intention to deceive the house,
or to raise money for purposes different from those for which it was
really expended. But if we suppose that estimate to be fraudulently
calculated, this may contain the same fallacies in a lower degree, and
the only merit that can be claimed by the authors of it, will be, that
they are not the most rapacious plunderers of their country, that,
however they may be charged with profusion of publick money, they are
yet more modest than some of their predecessors.
But it is known, sir, that in king William's reign, very few estimates
were honestly computed; it is known that the rotation of parties, and
fluctuation of measures, reduced the ministry to subsist upon artifices,
to amuse the senate with exorbitant demands, only that they might obtain
the necessary grants, and to pretend expenses which never were incurred,
that the supplies which the publick affairs really required, might not
be withheld; as fraudulent tradesmen fix immoderate prices, that the
buyer may make offers proportionate to their demands.
The estimates, therefore, of that reign are of very little authority,
though they might sometimes pass the house without censure; for it is to
be considered, that by the frequency of new elections, the greatest part
of the members were often unacquainted with the state of publick
accounts, and that an army was so little known to this kingdom, that the
true expense of it might easily be concealed.
Nor is this, sir, the only fallacy of this argument; for it supposes,
likewise, that the nation is no less wealthy than in the time when that
computation was offered, with which this is so triumphantly compared.
For every man knows that publick as well as private expenses are to be
proportioned to the revenue by which they are supplied, and that the
charges which are easily supported at one time, may threaten ruin at
another.
But unhappily, sir, it is evident, that, since the days of that
sovereign, the nation has been exhausted by a long and wasteful war, and
since, by a peace equally destructive, it is embarrassed with an
enormous debt, and entangled in treaties, of which the support may call
every day for new expenses; it has suffered since that time a thousand
losses, but gained no advantage, and yet the expenses of that time are
mentioned as an example to be compared with those which are proposed in
this.
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