The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 2 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 2 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
clear in my mind, that the first condition is not the best. But I believe
it to be inconsistent with any great degree of population. The second
state has a great deal of good in it. The mass of mankind under that,
enjoys a precious degree of liberty and happiness. It has its evils,
too; the principal of which is the turbulence to which it is subject. But
weigh this against the oppressions of monarchy, and it becomes nothing.
_Malo periculosam libertatem quam quietam servitutem._ Even this evil
is productive of good. It prevents the degeneracy of government, and
nourishes a general attention to the public affairs. I hold it, that
a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in
the political world as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions,
indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people,
which have produced them. An observation of this truth should render
honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions, as
not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound
health of government.
If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently at
another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the navigation
of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain. I never had any interest
westward of the Alleghany; and I never will have any. But I have had
great opportunities of knowing the character of the people who inhabit
that country; and I will venture to say, that the act which abandons the
navigation of the Mississippi is an act of separation between the eastern
and western country. It is a relinquishment of five parts out of eight,
of the territory of the United States; an abandonment of the fairest
subject for the payment of our public debts, and the chaining those debts
on our own necks, _in perpetuum_. I have the utmost confidence in the
honest intentions of those who concur in this measure; but I lament their
want of acquaintance with the character and physical advantages of the
people, who, right or wrong, will suppose their interests sacrificed on
this occasion, to the contrary interests of that part of the confederacy
in possession of present power. If they declare themselves a separate
people, we are incapable of a single effort to retain them. Our citizens
can never be induced, either as militia or as soldiers, to go there to cut
the throats of their own brothers and sons, or rather, to be themselves
the subjects, instead of the perpetrators of the parricide. Nor would
that country quit the cost of being retained against the will of its
inhabitants, could it be done. But it cannot be done. They are able
already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi out of the hands of
Spain, and to add New Orleans to their own territory. They will be joined
by the inhabitants of Louisiana. This will bring on a war between them
and Spain; and that will produce the question with us, whether it will
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