The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
It is impossible to desire better dispositions towards us than prevail
in this Assembly. Our proceedings have been viewed as a model for them
on every occasion; and though in the heat of debate, men are generally
disposed to contradict every authority urged by their opponents, ours
has been treated like that of the Bible, open to explanation, but not to
question. I am sorry that in the moment of such a disposition, anything
should come from us to check it. The placing them on a mere footing with
the English, will have this effect. When of two nations, the one has
engaged herself in a ruinous war for us, has spent her blood and money to
save us, has opened her bosom to us in peace, and received us almost on
the footing of her own citizens, while the other has moved heaven, earth,
and hell to exterminate us in war, has insulted us in all her councils in
peace, shut her doors to us in every part where her interests would admit
it, libelled us in foreign nations, endeavored to poison them against the
reception of our most precious commodities; to place these two nations on
a footing, is to give a great deal more to one than to the other, if the
maxim be true, that to make unequal quantities equal, you must add more to
one than the other. To say, in excuse, that gratitude is never to enter
into the motives of national conduct, is to revive a principle which has
been buried for centuries with its kindred principles of the lawfulness
of assassination, poison, perjury, &c. All of these were legitimate
principles in the dark ages which intervened between ancient and modern
civilization, but exploded and held in just horror in the eighteenth
century. I know but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly
or collectively. He who says I will be a rogue when I act in company with
a hundred others, but an honest man when I act alone, will be believed in
the former assertion, but not in the latter. I would say with the poet,
"_hic niger est, hunc tu Romane cavato_." If the morality of one man
produces a just line of conduct in him, acting individually, why should
not the morality of one hundred men produce a just line of conduct in
them, acting together? But I indulge myself in these reflections, because
my own feelings run me into them; with you they were always acknowledged.
Let us hope that our new government will take some other occasions to
show, that they mean to proscribe no virtue from the canons of their
conduct with other nations. In every other instance, the new government
has ushered itself to the world as honest, masculine, and dignified. It
has shown genuine dignity, in my opinion, in exploding adulatory titles;
they are the offerings of abject baseness, and nourish that degrading vice
in the people.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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