SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th. It gave me the first information of the death of our distinguished fellow citizen, John Dickinson. A more estimable man, or truer patriot, could not have left us. Among the first of the advocates for the rights of his country when assailed by Great Britain, he continued to the last the orthodox advocate of the true principles of our new government, and his name will be consecrated in history as one of the great worthies of the revolution. We ought to be grateful for having been permitted to retain the benefit of his counsel to so good an old age; still, the moment of losing it, whenever it arrives, must be a moment of deep-felt regret. For himself, perhaps, a longer period of life was less important, alloyed as the feeble enjoyments of that age are with so much pain. But to his country every addition to his moments was interesting. A junior companion of his labors in the early part of our revolution, it has been a great comfort to me to have retained his friendship to the last moment of his life. Sincerely condoling with his friends on this affecting loss, I beg leave to tender my salutations to yourself, and assurances of my friendly respects. TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON, February 27, 1808. DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a copy of Armstrong's letter, covering the papers sent to Congress. The date was blank, as in the copy; the letter was so immaterial that I had really forgotten it altogether when I spoke with you last night. I feel myself much indebted to you for having given me this private opportunity of showing that I have kept back nothing material. That the federalists and a few others should by their vote make such a charge on me, is never unexpected. But how can any join in it who call themselves friends? The President sends papers to the House, which he thinks the public interest requires they should see. They immediately pass a vote, implying irresistibly their belief that he is capable of having kept back other papers which the same interest requires they should see. They pretend to no direct proof of this. It must, then, be founded in presumption; and on what act of my life or of my administration is such a presumption founded? What interest can I have in leading the Legislature to act on false grounds? My wish is certainly to take that course with the public affairs which the body of the Legislature would prefer. It is said, indeed, that such a vote is to satisfy the federalists and their partisans. But were I to send twenty letters, they would say, "You have kept back the twenty-first; send us that." If I sent one hundred, they would say, "There were one hundred and one;" and how could I prove the negative? Their malice can be cured by no conduct; it ought, therefore, to be disregarded, instead of countenancing their imputations by the sanction of a vote.