The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 6 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 6 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
SIR,--Your letter of August 20th, enabled me to turn to mine of February
23d, 1798, and your former one of February 22d, 1801, and to recall
to my memory the oration at Jamaica, which was the subject of them.
I see with pleasure a continuance of the same sound principles in the
address to Mr. Quincy. Your quotation from the former paper alludes, as
I presume, to the term of office to our Senate; a term, like that of the
judges, too long for my approbation. I am for responsibilities at short
periods, seeing neither reason nor safety in making public functionaries
independent of the nation for life, or even for long terms of years.
On this principle I prefer the Presidential term of four years, to that
of seven years, which I myself had at first suggested, annexing to it,
however, ineligibility forever after; and I wish it were now annexed to
the 2d quadrennial election of President.
The conduct of Massachusetts, which is the subject of your address to
Mr. Quincy, is serious, as embarrassing the operations of the war, and
jeopardizing its issue; and still more so, as an example of contumacy
against the Constitution. One method of proving their purpose, would
be to call a convention of their State, and to require them to declare
themselves members of the Union, and obedient to its determinations, or
not members, and let them go. Put this question solemnly to their people,
and their answer cannot be doubtful. One half of them are republicans,
and would cling to the Union from principle. Of the other half, the
dispassionate part would consider, 1st. That they do not raise bread
sufficient for their own subsistence, and must look to Europe for the
deficiency, if excluded from our ports, which vital interests would force
us to do. 2d. That they are navigating people without a stick of timber
for the hull of a ship, nor a pound of anything to export in it, which
would be admitted at any market. 3d. That they are also a manufacturing
people, and left by the exclusive system of Europe without a market but
ours. 4th. That as the rivals of England in manufactures, in commerce,
in navigation, and fisheries, they would meet her competition in every
point. 5th. That England would feel no scruples in making the abandonment
and ruin of such a rival the price of a treaty with the producing
States; whose interest too it would be to nourish a navigation beyond
the Atlantic, rather than a hostile one at our own door. And 6th. That in
case of war with the Union, which occurrences between coterminous nations
frequently produce, it would be a contest of one against fifteen. The
remaining portion of the Federal moiety of the State would, I believe,
brave all these obstacles, because they are monarchists in principle,
bearing deadly hatred to their republican fellow-citizens, impatient under
the ascendency of republican principles, devoted in their attachment to
England, and preferring to be placed under her despotism, if they cannot
hold the helm of government here.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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