The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
Philosophy
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
I thank you, Sir, for the copy of your Republican which you have been so
kind as to send me, and I should have acknowledged it sooner but that I
am just returned home after a long absence. I have not yet had time to
read it seriously, but in looking over it cursorily I see much in it to
approve, and shall be glad if it shall lead our youth to the practice
of thinking on such subjects and for themselves. That it will have this
tendency may be expected, and for that reason I feel an urgency to note
what I deem an error in it, the more requiring notice as your opinion
is strengthened by that of many others. You seem, in pages 84 and 148,
to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional
questions; a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place
us under the despotism of an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as
other men, and not more so. They have, with others, the same passions
for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is
"_boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem_," and their power the more
dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the
other functionaries are, to the elective control. The constitution has
erected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided,
with the corruptions of time and party, its members would become despots.
It has more wisely made all the departments co-equal and co-sovereign
within themselves. If the legislature fails to pass laws for a census,
for paying the judges and other officers of government, for establishing
a militia, for naturalization as prescribed by the constitution, or if
they fail to meet in congress, the judges cannot issue their mandamus to
them; if the President fails to supply the place of a judge, to appoint
other civil or military officers, to issue requisite commissions, the
judges cannot force him. They can issue their mandamus or distringas to
no executive or legislative officer to enforce the fulfilment of their
official duties, any more than the president or legislature may issue
orders to the judges or their officers. Betrayed by English example, and
unaware, as it should seem, of the control of our constitution in this
particular, they have at times overstepped their limit by undertaking to
command executive officers in the discharge of their executive duties; but
the constitution, in keeping three departments distinct and independent,
restrains the authority of the judges to judiciary organs, as it does the
executive and legislative to executive and legislative organs. The judges
certainly have more frequent occasion to act on constitutional questions,
because the laws of _meum_ and _tuum_ and of criminal action, forming the
great mass of the system of law, constitute their particular department.
When the legislative or executive functionaries act unconstitutionally,
they are responsible to the people in their elective capacity. The
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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