The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
Philosophy
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
SIR,--I have duly received your letter of February the 16th, and have now
to express my sense of the honorable station proposed to my ex-brethren
and myself, in the constitution of the society for the civilization and
improvement of the Indian tribes. The object too expressed, as that of the
association, is one which I have ever had much at heart, and never omitted
an occasion of promoting while I have been in situations to do it with
effect, and nothing, even now, in the calm of age and retirement, would
excite in me a more lively interest than an approvable plan of raising
that respectable and unfortunate people from the state of physical and
moral abjection, to which they have been reduced by circumstances foreign
to them. That the plan now proposed is entitled to unmixed approbation,
I am not prepared to say, after mature consideration, and with all the
partialities which its professed object would rightfully claim from me.
I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarcation between private
associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers, and those whose
magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the march of regular government.
Yet such a line does exist. I have seen the days, they were those which
preceded the revolution, when even this last and perilous engine became
necessary; but they were days which no man would wish to see a second
time. That was the case where the regular authorities of the government
had combined against the rights of the people, and no means of correction
remained to them but to organize a collateral power, which, with their
support, might rescue and secure their violated rights. But such is
not the case with our government. We need hazard no collateral power,
which, by a change of its original views, and assumption of others we
know not how virtuous or how mischievous, would be ready organized and
in force sufficient to shake the established foundations of society,
and endanger its peace and the principles on which it is based. Is not
the machine now proposed of this gigantic stature? It is to consist of
the ex-Presidents of the United States, the Vice President, the Heads
of all the executive departments, the members of the supreme judiciary,
the Governors of the several States and territories, all the members
of both Houses of Congress, all the general officers of the army, the
commissioners of the navy, all Presidents and Professors of colleges
and theological seminaries, all the clergy of the United States, the
Presidents and Secretaries of all associations having relation to
Indians, all commanding officers within or near Indian territories, all
Indian superintendents and agents; all these _ex officio_; and as many
private individuals as will pay a certain price for membership. Observe,
too, that the clergy will constitute[15] nineteen twentieths of this
association, and, by the law of the majority, may command the twentieth
part, which, composed of all the high authorities of the United States,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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