The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
Philosophy
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
should she take it, I would not immediately go to war for it; because
the first war on other accounts will give it to us; or the island will
give itself to us, when able to do so. While no duty, therefore, calls
on us to take part in the present war of Europe, and a golden harvest
offers itself in reward for doing nothing, peace and neutrality seem
to be our duty and interest. We may gratify ourselves, indeed, with a
neutrality as partial to Spain as would be justifiable without giving
cause of war to her adversary; we might and ought to avail ourselves of
the happy occasion of procuring and cementing a cordial reconciliation
with her, by giving assurance of every friendly office which neutrality
admits, and especially, against all apprehension of our intermeddling
in the quarrel with her colonies. And I expect daily and confidently to
hear of a spark kindled in France, which will employ her at home, and
relieve Spain from all further apprehensions of danger.
That England is playing false with Spain cannot be doubted. Her government
is looking one way and rowing another. It is curious to look back a little
on past events. During the ascendancy of Bonaparte, the word among the
herd of kings, was "_sauve qui peut_." Each shifted for himself, and
left his brethren to squander and do the same as they could. After the
battle of Waterloo, and the military possession of France, they rallied
and combined in common cause, to maintain each other against any similar
and future danger. And in this alliance, Louis, now avowedly, and George,
secretly but solidly, were of the contracting parties; and there can be
no doubt that the allies are bound by treaty to aid England with their
armies, should insurrection take place among her people. The coquetry
she is now playing off between her people and her allies is perfectly
understood by the latter, and accordingly gives no apprehensions to
France, to whom it is all explained. The diplomatic correspondence she is
now displaying, these double papers fabricated merely for exhibition, in
which she makes herself talk of morals and principle, as if her qualms of
conscience would not permit her to go all lengths with her Holy Allies,
are all to gull her own people. It is a theatrical farce, in which the
five powers are the actors, England the Tartuffe, and her people the
dupes. Playing thus so dextrously into each others' hands, and their
own persons seeming secured, they are now looking to their privileged
orders. These faithful auxiliaries, or accomplices, must be saved. This
war is evidently that of the general body of the aristocracy, in which
England is also acting her part. "Save but the Nobles and there shall be
no war," says she, masking her measures at the same time under the form
of friendship and mediation, and hypocritically, while a party, offering
herself as a judge, to betray those whom she is not permitted openly to
oppose. A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality at all, is all Spain will
get from her.
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