The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
Philosophy
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 7 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
2. Can it be believed, that under the jealousies prevailing against
the General Government, at the adoption of the constitution, the States
meant to surrender the authority of preserving order, of enforcing moral
duties and restraining vice, within their own territory? And this is
the present case, that of Cohen being under the ancient and general law
of gaming. Can any good be effected by taking from the States the moral
rule of their citizens, and subordinating it to the general authority,
or to one of their corporations, which may justify forcing the meaning
of words, hunting after possible constructions, and hanging inference on
inference, from heaven to earth, like Jacob's ladder? Such an intention
was impossible, and such a licentiousness of construction and inference,
if exercised by both governments, as may be done with equal right, would
equally authorize both to claim all power, general and particular, and
break up the foundations of the Union. Laws are made for men of ordinary
understanding, and should, therefore, be construed by the ordinary rules
of common sense. Their meaning is not to be sought for in metaphysical
subtleties, which may make anything mean everything or nothing, at
pleasure. It should be left to the sophisms of advocates, whose trade it
is, to prove that a defendant is a plaintiff, though dragged into court,
_torto collo_, like Bonaparte's volunteers, into the field in chains,
or that a power has been given, because it ought to have been given, _et
alia talia_. The States supposed that by their tenth amendment, they had
secured themselves against constructive powers. They were not lessoned
yet by Cohen's case, nor aware of the slipperiness of the eels of the
law. I ask for no straining of words against the General Government, nor
yet against the States. I believe the States can best govern our home
concerns, and the General Government our foreign ones. I wish, therefore,
to see maintained that wholesome distribution of powers established by
the constitution for the limitation of both; and never to see all offices
transferred to Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of
the people, they may more secretly he bought and sold as at market.
But the Chief Justice says, "there must be an ultimate arbiter somewhere."
True, there must; but does that prove it is either party? The ultimate
arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in
convention, at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States.
Let them decide to which they mean to give an authority claimed by two
of their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity of
our constitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that of
other nations is at once to force.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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