The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 9 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 9 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Hamilton agreed to the doctrine of the law of nations, as laid down
in Europe, but that it was founded on the universality of settlement
there; consequently, that no lopping off of territory could be made
without a lopping off of citizens, which required their consent; but
that the law of nations for us must be adapted to the circumstance of
our unsettled country, which he conceived the President and Senate may
cede; that the power of treaty was given to them by the Constitution,
without restraining it to particular objects; consequently, that it
was given in as plenipotentiary a form as held by any sovereign in any
other society. Randolph was of opinion there was a difference between
a cession to Indians and to any others, because it only restored the
ceded part to the condition in which it was before we bought it, and
consequently, that we might buy it again hereafter; therefore, he thought
the executive and Senate could cede it. Knox joined in the main opinion.
The President discovered no opinion, but he made some efforts to get us
to join in some terms which could unite us all, and he seemed to direct
those efforts more towards me; but the thing could not be done.
Third question. We agreed in idea as to the line to be drawn, to wit,
so as to retain all lands appropriated, or granted, or reserved.
Fourth question. We all thought if the Senate should be consulted, and
consequently apprized of our line, it would become known to Hammond,
and we should lose all chance of saving anything more at the treaty than
our ultimatum.
The President, at this meeting, mentioned the declaration of some person,
in a paper of Fenno, that he would commence an attack on the character
of Dr. Franklin. He said the theme was to him excessively disagreeable on
other considerations, but most particularly so, as the party seemed to do
it as a means of defending him (the President) against the late attacks
on him; that such a mode of defence would be peculiarly painful to him,
and he wished it could be stopped. Hamilton and Randolph undertook to
speak to Fenno to suppress it, without mentioning it as the President's
wish. Both observed that they had heard this declaration mentioned in
many companies, and that it had excited universal horror and detestation.
The paper in Fenno must lie between two persons, viz., Adams and Izard,
because they are the only persons who could know such facts as are there
promised to be unfolded. Adams is an enemy to both characters, and might
choose this ground as an effectual position to injure both. Izard hated
Franklin with unparalleled bitterness, but humbly adores the President,
because he is in _loco regis_. If the paper proceeds, we shall easily
discover which of these two gentlemen is the champion. In the meantime,
the first paper leads our suspicions more towards Izard than Adams, from
the circumstance of style, and because he is quite booby enough not to
see the injury he would do to the President by such a mode of defence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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