The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 9 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 9 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
February the 6th, 1798. Mr. Baldwin tells me that in a conversation
yesterday with Goodhue, on the state of our affairs, Goodhue said, "I'll
tell you what, I have made up my mind on this subject; I would rather the
old ship should go down than not;" (meaning the Union of the States.) Mr.
Hillhouse coming up, "well," says Mr. Baldwin, "I'll tell my old friend
Hillhouse what you say;" and he told him. "Well," says Goodhue, "I repeat
that I would rather the old ship should go down, if we are to be always
kept pumping so." "Mr. Hillhouse," says Baldwin, "you remember when we
were learning logic together at school, there was the case _categorical_
and the case _hypothetical_. Mr. Goodhue stated it to me first as the
case categorical. I am glad to see that he now changes it to the case
hypothetical, by adding, 'if we are always to be kept pumping so.'"
Baldwin went on then to remind Goodhue what an advocate he had been for
our tonnage duty, wanting to make it one dollar instead of fifty cents;
and how impatiently he bore the delays of Congress in proceeding to
retaliate on Great Britain before Mr. Madison's propositions came on.
Goodhue acknowledged that his opinions had changed since that.
* * * * *
February the 15th, 1798. I dined this day with Mr. Adams, (the President.)
The company was large. After dinner I was sitting next to him, and our
conversation was first on the enormous price of labor,[12] house rent,
and other things. We both concurred in ascribing it chiefly to the floods
of bank paper now afloat, and in condemning those institutions. We then
got on the constitution; and in the course of our conversation he said,
that no republic could ever last which had not a Senate, and a Senate
deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular
storms and passions; that he thought our Senate as well constituted
as it could have been, being chosen by the legislatures; for if these
could not support them, he did not know what could do it; that perhaps
it might have been as well for them to be chosen by the State at large,
as that would insure a choice of distinguished men, since none but such
could be known to a whole people; that the only fault in our Senate
was, that it was not durable enough; that hitherto, it had behaved very
well; however, he was afraid they would give way in the end. That as to
trusting to a popular assembly for the preservation of our liberties, it
was the merest chimera imaginable; they never had any rule of decision
but their own will; that he would as lieve be again in the hands of our
old committees of safety, who made the law and executed it at the same
time; that it had been observed by some writer, (I forget whom he named,)
that anarchy did more mischief in one night, than tyranny in an age; and
that in modern times we might say with truth, that in France, anarchy
had done more harm in one night, than all the despotism of their Kings
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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