Theodore Roosevelt and His Times: A Chronicle of the Progressive MovementHowland, Harold
History
Theodore Roosevelt and His Times: A Chronicle of the Progressive Movement
Howland, Harold
Progressive Party (1912); Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919
The letter closed with a request to the Commission to investigate the
whole matter with these points in view. But the investigation proved
unnecessary; the letter was enough. The proposed reduction of wages was
never heard of again. The strength of the President's position in a case
of this sort was that he was cheerfully prepared to accept whatever an
investigation should show to be right. If the reduction should prove to
be required by natural causes, very well--let the reduction be made. If
it was the result of unfair and unwise legislation, very well--repeal
the legislation. If it was caused by misconduct on the part of railroad
managers, very well--let them be punished. It was hard to get the better
of a man who wanted only the truth, and was ready to act upon it, no
matter which way it cut.
In 1910, after his return from Africa, a speaking trip happened to
take him to Columbus, Ohio, which had for months been in the grasp of a
street railway strike. There had been much violence, many policemen had
refused to do their duty, and many officials had failed in theirs. It
was an uncomfortable time for an outsider to come and make a speech. But
Roosevelt did not dodge. He spoke, and straight to the point. His speech
had been announced as on Law and Order. When he rose to speak, however,
he declared that he would speak on Law, Order, and Justice. Here are
some of the incisive things that he said:
"Now, the first requisite is to establish order; and the first duty of
every official, in State and city alike, high and low, is to see that
order obtains and that violence is definitely stopped .... I have the
greatest regard for the policeman who does his duty. I put him high
among the props of the State, but the policeman who mutinies, or
refuses to perform his duty, stands on a lower level than that of the
professional lawbreaker.... I ask, then, not only that civic officials
perform their duties, but that you, the people, insist upon their
performing them... . I ask this particularly of the wage-workers, and
employees, and men on strike.... I ask them, not merely passively, but
actively, to aid in restoring order. I ask them to clear their skirts
of all suspicion of sympathizing with disorder, and, above all, the
suspicion of sympathizing with those who commit brutal and cowardly
assaults.... What I have said of the laboring men applies just as
much to the capitalists and the capitalists' representatives.... The
wage-workers and the representatives of the companies should make it
evident that they wish the law absolutely obeyed; that there is no
chance of saying that either the labor organization or the corporation
favors lawbreakers or lawbreaking. But let your public servants trust,
not in the good will of either side, but in the might of the civil arm,
and see that law rules, that order obtains, and that every miscreant,
every scoundrel who seeks brutally to assault any other man--whatever
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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