Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2): or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850Benton, Thomas Hart
History
Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2): or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850
Benton, Thomas Hart
United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
credit; and in the prohibition upon the States to make any thing
but gold and silver a tender in discharge of debts. The invention
of banks, and their power over the community, had nullified this
just and wise intention of the constitution; and certainly it would
be a reproach to that instrument if it was incapable of protecting
itself against such enemies, at such an important point. Thus far
it had been found so incapable; but it was a question whether the
fault was in the instrument, or in its administrators. There were
many who believed it entirely to be the fault of the latter--who
believed that the constitution had ample means of protection, within
itself, against insolvent, or delinquent banks--and that, all that
was wanted was a will in the federal legislature to apply the remedy
which the evil required. This remedy was the process of bankruptcy,
under which a delinquent bank might be instantly stopped in its
operations--its circulation called in and paid off, as far as its
assets would go--itself closed up, and all power of further mischief
immediately terminated. This remedy it was now proposed to apply.
President Van Buren recommended it: he was the first President who
had had the merit of doing so; and all that was now wanted was a
Congress to back him: and that was a great want! one hard to supply.
A powerful array, strongly combined, was on the other side, both
moneyed and political. All the local banks were against it; and they
counted a thousand--their stockholders myriads;--and many of their
owners and debtors were in Congress: the (still so-called) Bank of
the United States was against it: and its power and influence were
still great: the whole political party opposed to the administration
were against it, as well because opposition is always a necessity
of the party out of power, as a means of getting in, as because in
the actual circumstances of the present state of things opposition
was essential to the success of the outside party. Mr. Webster was
the first to oppose the measure, and did so, seeming to question the
right of Congress to apply the remedy rather than to question the
expediency of it. He said:
"We have seen the declaration of the President, in which he
says that he refrains from suggesting any specific plan for the
regulation of the exchanges of the country, and for relieving
mercantile embarrassments, or for interfering with the ordinary
operation of foreign or domestic commerce; and that he does
this from a conviction that such measures are not within the
constitutional province of the general government; and yet he
has made a recommendation to Congress which appears to me to
be very remarkable, and it is of a measure which he thinks may
prove a salutary remedy against a depreciated paper currency.
This measure is neither more nor less than a bankrupt law
against corporations and other bankers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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