Thomas Jefferson, the Apostle of AmericanismChinard, Gilbert
History
Thomas Jefferson, the Apostle of Americanism
Chinard, Gilbert
Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826
Thus spoke the champion of democracy at the beginning of the French
Revolution, after spending five years in Paris and supposedly permeating
his mind with the wild theories of the French philosophers. And what he
said of the people on this occasion did not apply to the French people
alone, for he made it clear that it was the political theory applied "in
America." It was essentially the theory of government by experts which
he already had in mind when he proposed the reorganization of the
College of William and Mary. In 1778, as well as in 1789, Jefferson did
not hesitate to proclaim that if the source of all power was in the
people, the people could not exercise their power in all circumstances,
that they had to delegate their authority to men really qualified,
retaining only the right to select them. This may not be the common
acceptation of the term "Jeffersonian democracy", but I have a strong
suspicion that on the whole Jefferson never changed much in this
respect. He certainly never stood for mob rule, nor for direct
government by the masses, and he knew too much about the delicate and
complicated wheels of government to believe that the running of such a
tremendous machine could be intrusted to untrained hands.
As for the French, he trusted them even less, and never believed, as
long as he remained in France, that they were prepared for
self-government. He refused to consider that a real revolution had
started before his eyes or was even in sight. "Upon the whole," he wrote
to Madison shortly before his departure from Paris, "I do not see yet
probable that any actual commotion will take place; and if it does take
place, I have strong confidence that the patriotic party will hold
together, and their party in the nation be what I have ascribed it." Up
to the last moment he held the belief that the king, "the substantial
people of the whole country, the army, and the influential part of the
clergy, formed a firm phalanx which must prevail."[230] The analysis of
the situation sent to Jay just as he was about to leave Paris does not
indicate even the possibility of establishing a republic, since the only
parties he distinguished were:
... the aristocrats, comprehending the higher members of the clergy,
military, nobility, and the parliaments of the whole kingdom; the
moderate royalists who wish for a constitution nearly similar to that
of England; the republicans who are willing to let their first
magistracy be hereditary, but to make it very subordinate to the
legislature, and to have that legislature consist of a single
chamber.[231]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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