Thoughts on the Present Discontents, and SpeechesBurke, Edmund
General
Thoughts on the Present Discontents, and Speeches
Burke, Edmund
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1760-1789
The next favourite remedy is a Place-bill. The same principle guides in
both: I mean the opinion which is entertained by many of the
infallibility of laws and regulations, in the cure of public distempers.
Without being as unreasonably doubtful as many are unwisely confident, I
will only say, that this also is a matter very well worthy of serious and
mature reflection. It is not easy to foresee what the effect would be of
disconnecting with Parliament, the greatest part of those who hold civil
employments, and of such mighty and important bodies as the military and
naval establishments. It were better, perhaps, that they should have a
corrupt interest in the forms of the constitution, than they should have
none at all. This is a question altogether different from the
disqualification of a particular description of Revenue Officers from
seats in Parliament; or, perhaps, of all the lower sorts of them from
votes in elections. In the former case, only the few are affected; in
the latter, only the inconsiderable. But a great official, a great
professional, a great military and naval interest, all necessarily
comprehending many people of the first weight, ability, wealth, and
spirit, has been gradually formed in the kingdom. These new interests
must be let into a share of representation, else possibly they may be
inclined to destroy those institutions of which they are not permitted to
partake. This is not a thing to be trifled with: nor is it every well-
meaning man that is fit to put his hands to it. Many other serious
considerations occur. I do not open them here, because they are not
directly to my purpose; proposing only to give the reader some taste of
the difficulties that attend all capital changes in the Constitution;
just to hint the uncertainty, to say no worse, of being able to prevent
the Court, as long as it has the means of influence abundantly in its
power, from applying that influence to Parliament; and perhaps, if the
public method were precluded, of doing it in some worse and more
dangerous method. Underhand and oblique ways would be studied. The
science of evasion, already tolerably understood, would then be brought
to the greatest perfection. It is no inconsiderable part of wisdom, to
know how much of an evil ought to be tolerated; lest, by attempting a
degree of purity impracticable in degenerate times and manners, instead
of cutting off the subsisting ill practices, new corruptions might be
produced for the concealment and security of the old. It were better,
undoubtedly, that no influence at all could affect the mind of a Member
of Parliament. But of all modes of influence, in my opinion, a place
under the Government is the least disgraceful to the man who holds it,
and by far the most safe to the country. I would not shut out that sort
of influence which is open and visible, which is connected with the
dignity and the service of the State, when it is not in my power to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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