Through Bosnia and the Herzegóvina on foot during the insurrection, August and September 1875Evans, Arthur, Sir
History
Through Bosnia and the Herzegóvina on foot during the insurrection, August and September 1875
Evans, Arthur, Sir
Bosnia and Herzegovina -- Description and travel; Bosnia and Herzegovina -- History -- Rebellion of 1875
to satisfy what is insatiable—the avarice of the Divan. The Bosniacs
themselves are still blessed with many of the virtues of a primitive
people, and left to themselves might secure honesty and justice in their
public officers. At present the Bosnian _employés_ must first learn their
Osmanlì language, and imbibe the secrets of Osmanlì government, at the
source and seminary of Turkish demoralization; and the alien bureaucracy
which results, acts in Bosnia as a propaganda of corruption.
Why not then sever a connection as malign as it is artificial? Why not
divorce Stamboul from Bosnia, and erect an independent State under an
European guarantee? The democratic genius of the people would suggest
a Republic as the best form of government, but the divided state of
the country would preclude such a government to begin with, and a
Principality after the model of free Serbia might combine Parliamentary
government with the coherence of a monarchy.
When it is recognised by what an extremely precarious tenure the Porte
holds Bosnia at present, and it is remembered that the chief aim of
the native Mahometans, as of the native Christians, is Provincial
Independence, even Englishmen may be inclined to accept the conclusion
that the present connection between Bosnia and the hated government
of the Osmanlì must be severed; the more so as the geographical
configuration and position of Bosnia—a peninsula connected only with the
rest of Turkey by a narrow neck—make it almost impossible to hold out
against a serious invasion, and put it always at the mercy of foreign
agitators.
Such a revolution may seem an Utopian dream; but when the purely
artificial character of the present government of Bosnia is realized,
it would be an impertinence to the confederate statesmanship of Europe
to suppose that it was unable to effect it. For the moment, however,
the ultimate form of Bosnian government is a question of secondary
importance to the paramount necessity of re-establishing order in that
unhappy land. At the moment that I write this, nearly 3,000 Bosnian
and Herzegovinian villages and scattered hamlets are blackened ruins,
and over 200,000 Christian refugees are starving among the inhospitable
ravines of the Dalmatian Alps. In the interests of humanity, as well as
of European peace, in discharge of responsibilities which no adroitness
of European statesmanship can disavow, an armed occupation of Bosnia by
civilized forces has become indispensable. When the Christian population
of Bosnia have been rescued from the grave that yawns before them, when
the robber bands of fanaticism have been disarmed, and the remnant of the
refugees enabled to return to what were once their homes; then it will be
time for the governments of civilized Europe to turn their energies to
securing the necessary reforms, and to re-establishing the administration
of the country on a sounder basis.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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