Rome -- History -- Tiberius, 14-37; Tiberius, Emperor of Rome 42 B.C.-37 A.D.
In addition to the routine business, the Senate offered a compliment
to Tiberius; they wished him to accept and adopt permanently the title
of “Father of his Country,” which they had given to Augustus. Tiberius
refused it. Suetonius has preserved a few lines of the speech in which
he intimated his refusal: “If, however, you shall at any time find
reason to mistrust my character, or my devotion to yourselves--and I
pray heaven that death may save me from such a change in your opinion
of me before it comes to pass--this title will add nothing to my fame,
while it will convict you either of precipitation in conferring it
upon me now, or of levity in forming a contrary opinion hereafter.”
The concluding sentence suggests a possible touch of irony, but it
does not give any ground for the assumption that Tiberius foresaw his
own unpopularity, or was conscious of being unworthy of the honour,
as is suggested by Suetonius. Tiberius despised the empty compliment;
possibly he was irritated by the offer, but the tyrant who would think
it worth his while to deprecate a compliment of this kind, because he
was conscious of his unworthiness, or deliberately proposed to make
himself unworthy, is rare in the annals of tyranny.
The Senate then wished to proceed to a ceremony which was not merely
ceremonial, but of deep political significance. Cæsar during his
short reign had prevailed on the Senate to take an oath individually
that they would ratify all his transactions. It was by virtue of
this proceeding that Antonius made his snatch at supreme power.
After the murder of the Dictator the Senate was still pledged to the
ratification of his acts, and Antonius being in possession of the
papers of Cæsar was able to produce Cæsar’s authority for whatever
measures he wished to carry and whatever appointments he wished to
make. Augustus had reintroduced the same system, and it had been the
custom during his reign to renew the oath on the first day of each
official year. The Senate’s position was thus reduced from that of a
legislative and executive body to that of a purely consultative body;
the forms of voting, the forms of the appointment of magistrates might
be maintained, senators might be free to express their opinions on
questions of policy, or to raise questions and direct the attention of
the Emperor to matters requiring his attention, but they were pledged
in advance to accept his decision. It is a work of supererogation to
enumerate the different magistracies which were combined in the one
person of the Emperor, for so long as the Senators took this oath, he
was above all magistracies; no power was left to the Senate except
that of formally ratifying his decrees. Much the same effect has
been secured in English politics by the stringent rules of party
Government: members of Parliament do not take an oath to register the
decrees of the leaders or leader of their party, but the practical
result is the same; whatever may be said in the House of Commons,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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