Time and Tide by Weare and Tyne: Twenty-five Letters to a Working Man of Sunderland on the Laws of WorkRuskin, John
Philosophy
Time and Tide by Weare and Tyne: Twenty-five Letters to a Working Man of Sunderland on the Laws of Work
Ruskin, John
Social sciences; Working class -- Great Britain
141. Corrupt as it may be, it and its laws together, I would at this
moment, if I could, fasten every one of its institutions down with
bands of iron, and trust for all progress and help against its tyranny
simply to the patience and strength of private conduct. And if I had
to choose, I would tenfold rather see the tyranny of old Austria
triumphant in the old and new worlds, and trust to the chance (or
rather the distant certainty) of some day seeing a true Emperor born
to its throne, than, with every privilege of thought and act, run the
most distant risk of seeing the thoughts of the people of Germany and
England become like the thoughts of the people of America.
My American friends, of whom one, Charles Eliot Norton, of Cambridge,
is the dearest I have in the world, tell me I know nothing about
America. It may be so, and they must do me the justice to observe that
I, therefore, usually _say_ nothing about America. But this much I
have said, because the Americans, as a nation, set their trust in
liberty and in equality, of which I detest the one, and deny the
possibility of the other; and because, also, as a nation, they are
wholly undesirous of Rest, and incapable of it; irreverent of
themselves, both in the present and in the future; discontented with
what they are, yet having no ideal of anything which they desire to
become.[A]
[A] Some following passages in this letter, containing
personal references which might, in permanence, have given
pain or offense, are now omitted--the substance of them being
also irrelevant to my main purpose. These few words about the
American war, with which they concluded, are, I think, worth
retaining:--"All methods of right government are to be
communicated to foreign nations by perfectness of example and
gentleness of patiently expanded power, not suddenly, nor at
the bayonet's point. And though it is the duty of every
nation to interfere, at bayonet point, if they have the
strength to do so, to save any oppressed multitude, or even
individual, from manifest violence, it is wholly unlawful to
interfere in such matter, except with sacredly pledged
limitation of the objects to be accomplished in the oppressed
person's favor, and with absolute refusal of all selfish
advantage and _increase of territory or of political power_
which might otherwise accrue from the victory."
142. But, however corrupted, the aristocracy of any nation may thus be
always divided into three great classes. First, the landed proprietors
and soldiers, essentially one political body (for the possession of
land can only be maintained by military power); secondly, the moneyed
men and leaders of commerce; thirdly, the professional men and masters
in science, art, and literature.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account