To-morrow and to-morrow ... a novelMcKenna, Stephen
History
To-morrow and to-morrow ... a novel
McKenna, Stephen
Great Britain -- History -- George V, 1910-1936 -- Fiction; Man-woman relationships -- Fiction; Spouses -- Fiction
Because Bertrand made no effort to detain me, I stayed in
London—sullenly protesting that we only bored the converted and
exasperated the inconvertible—till the end of the year. Looking back, I
suppose the autumn brought with it the first signs of returning reason,
though Sir Roger Dainton—more in sorrow than anger—burnt the _Economic
Consequences_ and left me—with anger and sorrow nicely balanced—to buy
myself another copy. It was one thing, however, to concede that the
peace terms were unworkable; it was something quite different to
precipitate a general election in the hope of mending them. The
coalition survived the Paisley election, when Mr. Asquith was drawn to
Westminster through an avenue of cheering crowds; it survived the
awkward questions which the average voter was beginning to frame. And,
so long as it steered clear of another war, it could disregard the
academic questions of sentimental leader-writers who asked if any one
was a penny the better for war and victory.
“You’ve had a year to get your new heaven and earth into working order,”
said Philip Hornbeck, when I visited him at the Admiralty on the
anniversary of the armistice. “I’ve been tied here so much that I’ve
entirely lost track of the millennium. It’s arrived, I suppose?”
“A number of people haven’t heard of it yet,” I answered, with my
thoughts on the filibustering expeditions of the last three months.
D’Annunzio had revived memories of Garibaldi by seizing Fiume and
defying the great powers to turn him out; admirals and generals of the
old _régime_ in Russia were being supplied by amateur strategists in
England with arms to crush a revolutionary government in a country that
had never been successfully invaded since the coming of the Tartars. “If
the allies had an agreed policy . . .”
“You can’t have an agreed policy when you’re not on speaking-terms with
a single one of your neighbours,” Hornbeck retorted. “I invited your
friend Lucien de Grammont . . .”
“He won’t come if he knows I’m here,” I interrupted. “And I don’t know
that I’m very keen to meet French people at present.”
It was twelve months, to a minute, since Violet Loring pointed out to
her boy the men who had come from Rhodesia and Japan, Portugal and
Vancouver to die in a common cause.
“I offered van Oss as a bait,” said Hornbeck with a grin. “If you three
high-minded idealists can’t make a millennium, you mustn’t get impatient
with the rank-and-file.”
It was a matter for congratulation that a party so rashly collected
could meet and scatter without a scene of violence. Clifford expected,
quite obviously, to be castigated because America would not sign the
covenant of the League; Lucien, no less obviously, looked only for a
chance of castigating me because I criticized the treaty in every issue
of _Peace_.
“I don’t quite know what we’re celebrating,” he muttered provocatively,
with a morose eye on the gathering crowds in Whitehall. “The loss of the
war?”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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