To-morrow and to-morrow ... a novelMcKenna, Stephen
History
To-morrow and to-morrow ... a novel
McKenna, Stephen
Great Britain -- History -- George V, 1910-1936 -- Fiction; Man-woman relationships -- Fiction; Spouses -- Fiction
“I confess I don’t like the outlook,” I said; and for the life of me I
could not imagine how any one enjoyed the prospect of a peace abroad
that was nothing but a silent war. My volatile host had been
sufficiently dissatisfied a few days before when the labour party,
realizing that the government was properly contemptuous of its servile
supporters in the House of Commons, threatened the “direct action” of a
general strike. Dainton knew; and I knew; and every man with a
smattering of economic history knew that the present boom would be
followed by a disastrous slump. “Things seem too good to last.”
The flow of geniality ran suddenly dry.
“You’d be the first to complain if they did,” said Dainton; and his tone
surprised me out of a reply till I noticed his flushed face and watery
eyes. “My friend George has great qualities,” he continued, with
malicious jocularity, to the table at large, “but he’s no great shakes
as a prophet. Before the war he told us there would be no war; when it
came, he said it could never end one way or the other; now that it’s
ended, he says it _must_ start again. Cheerful customer, George.”
I might have reminded him that in the nineties he was prophesying an
inevitable war with Russia, in the nineteen-hundreds with France. I
might have asked him to reconcile the treaty of Versailles with the
fourteen points. I might have enquired whether he would keep his
promises of the December election that the kaiser should be hanged and
the whole cost of the war covered by a German indemnity. In the
interests of a quiet dinner, I said nothing; Dainton, as a political
barometer, was more valuable to me than Dainton as a political
controversialist. I realized for the first time that the class which he
represented would be our most aggressive antagonists when we worked to
secure a sane peace. Thanks to the determination of the French prime
minister and the vacillation of our own, he was enabled to go back
impenitently to the mood of his election address. No longer speaking of
“Wilson, _le bienvenu_”, he had discovered in the president an insidious
agent for strengthening Germany and weakening France. Forgetting his
earlier lip-service to the League of Nations, he paraded comparative
populations and, in my hearing that night, based his hopes of enduring
peace on “bleeding Germany white and keeping her white”.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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