Toronto of Old: Collections and recollections illustrative of the early settlement and social life of the capital of OntarioScadding, Henry
History
Toronto of Old: Collections and recollections illustrative of the early settlement and social life of the capital of Ontario
Scadding, Henry
Toronto (Ont.) -- Description and travel; Toronto (Ont.) -- History
Is there a reader nowadays that sees anything very startling in the
enunciation of the following principles?--"The control of the whole
revenue to be in the people's representatives; the Legislative Council
to be elective; the representation in the House of Assembly to be as
equally proportioned to the population as possible; the Executive
Government to incur a real responsibility; the law of primogeniture to
be abolished; impartiality in the selection of juries to be secured; the
Judiciary to be independent; the military to be in strict subordination
to the civil authorities; equal rights to the several members of the
community; every vestige of Church-and-State union to be done away; the
lands and all the revenues of the country to be under the control of the
country; and education to be widely, carefully and impartially
diffused; to these may be added the choice of our own Governor."
These were the political principles sought to be established in the
Governments of Canada by the party referred to, as set forth in the
terms just given (almost _verbatim_) in Patrick Swift's Almanac, a well
known popular, annual _brochure_ of Mr. McKenzie's. It seems singular
now, in the retrospect, that doctrines such as these should have created
a ferment.
But there is this to be said: it does not appear that there were, at the
time, in the ranks of the party in power, any persons of very superior
intellectual gifts or of a wide range of culture or historical
knowledge: so that it was not likely that, on that side, there would be
a ready relinquishment of political traditions, of inherited ideas,
which their possessors had never dreamt of rationally analyzing, and
which they deemed it all but treason to call in question.
And moreover it is to be remembered that the chief propagandist of the
doctrines of reform, although very intelligent and ready of speech, did
not himself possess the dignity and repose of character which give
weight to the utterances of public men. Hence, with the persons who
really stood in need of instruction and enlightenment, his words had an
irritating, rather than a conciliatory and convincing effect. This was a
fault which it was not in his power to remedy. For his microscopic
vision and restless temperament, while they fitted him to be a very
clever local reformer, a very clever local editor, unfitted him for the
grand _role_ of a national statesman, or heroic conductor of a
revolution.
Accordingly, although the principles advocated by him finally obtained
the ascendancy, posterity only regards him as the Wilkes, the Cobbett,
or the Hunt of his day, in the annals of his adopted country. In the
interval between the outbreak or feint at outbreak in 1838, and 1850,
the whole Canadian community made a great advance in general
intelligence, and statesmen of a genuine quality began to appear in our
Parliaments.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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