Many authors have refused to grant any weight to this conception of the
totem feast because it could not be strengthened by direct observation
at the stage of totemism. Robertson Smith himself has referred to
examples in which the sacramental meaning of sacrifices seems certain,
such as the human sacrifices of the Aztecs and others which recall the
conditions of the totem feast, the bear sacrifices of the bear tribe of
the _Ouataouaks_ in America, and the bear festival of the Ainus in
Japan. Frazer has given a full account of these and similar cases in the
two divisions of his great work that have last appeared[204]. An Indian
tribe in California which reveres the buzzard, a large bird of prey,
kills it once a year with solemn ceremony, whereupon the bird is mourned
and its skin and feathers preserved. The Zuni Indians in New Mexico do
the same thing with their holy turtle.
In the _Intichiuma_ ceremonies of Central Australian tribes a trait has
been observed which fits in excellently with the assumptions of
Robertson Smith. Every tribe that practises magic for the increase of
its totem, which it cannot eat itself, is bound to eat a part of its
totem at the ceremony before it can be touched by the other tribes.
According to Frazer the best example of the sacramental consumption of
the otherwise forbidden totem is to be found among the Bini in West
Africa, in connexion with the burial ceremony of this tribe[205].
But we shall follow Robertson Smith in the assumption that the
sacramental killing and the common consumption of the otherwise
forbidden totem animal was an important trait of the totem
religion[206].
5
Let us now envisage the scene of such a totem meal and let us embellish
it further with a few probable features which could not be adequately
considered before. Thus we have the clan, which on a solemn occasion
kills its totem in a cruel manner and eats it raw, blood, flesh, and
bones. At the same time the members of the clan disguised in imitation
of the totem, mimic it in sound and movement as if they wanted to
emphasize their common identity. There is also the conscious realization
that an action is being carried out which is forbidden to each
individual and which can only be justified through the participation of
all, so that no one is allowed to exclude himself from the killing and
the feast. After the act is accomplished the murdered animal is bewailed
and lamented. The death lamentation is compulsive, being enforced by the
fear of a threatening retribution, and its main purpose is, as Robertson
Smith remarks on an analogous occasion, to exculpate oneself from
responsibility for the slaying[207].
But after this mourning there follows loud festival gaiety accompanied
by the unchaining of every impulse and the permission of every
gratification. Here we find an easy insight into the nature of the
_holiday_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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