Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
The vice of all such schemes is that they are based too one-sidedly on
the idea of preventing wars. They take a static view of the world. They
come quite naturally from citizens of satisfied powers, weary of the
burden of defending what they have got. They ignore the fact that life
is change. They make no provision for any organic alterations in the
world’s structure. We can no more prevent war by organizing a defensive
league than revolution by creating a police. We must deal with causes,
must provide some means alternative to war by which large grievances can
be redressed and legitimate ambitions satisfied. To recur to our concrete
cases: if it is desired to insure that Serbia shall not again embroil a
continent in war, some machinery must be provided by which Austria can be
required to treat her subject Serbs reasonably well. When a “place in the
sun” like Morocco, one of the few unappropriated parts of the earth fit
for settlement by a white race, can no longer maintain its independence,
there must be some impartial Power which can say, “This rich potential
colony ought not to go to a State like France, with two similar colonies
already under its flag and a dwindling population at home, but rather to
a State like Germany, with no such colony of her own, despite her teeming
population, her great birth-rate, her vigorous and expansive commerce.”
For such problems as this there is no solution in the quasi-legal
processes of arbitration. The fundamental fact in the European history
of the last twenty years has been the restless search of Germany for
colonies and fields of exploitation. She felt her way in South Africa;
the British Empire expanded to exclude her. She turned a timid glance to
Brazil; the Monroe Doctrine was the flaming sword at the gate of that
Paradise. She coveted Morocco; the British navy cleared its decks. She
penetrated Turkey down the spine of the Bagdad Railway; she was met at
the Gulf with opposing sea-power. A League of the Satisfied might appeal
to London and Paris and Petrograd. But Berlin will ask, “What hope does
it offer to me that when my population is still denser, my industry still
more expansive, my need for markets and fields of exploitation for my
capital even more clamant than it is to-day, your League of Peace will
provide me with an outlet? You bar the future, and you call it peace.”
[Sidenote: The Philadelphia Conference.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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