Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
Any arrangement which includes them would partake of the nature of a
league of mutual guarantee of integrity, and would be one in which there
would be fair hope of economic pressure gradually replacing military
force as the compelling sanction. Economic pressure might be that
first felt if the outstanding feature of the arrangement were that any
constituent State resorting to hostilities as the result of a difference
with another, not previously submitted to an international court of
enquiry, by that fact caused boycott or non-intercourse to be proclaimed
and maintained against it by the whole group. This would not prevent
certain members of the group from carrying on military operations, as
well, against it. Some of the group would go to war in the military
sense—all in the economic sense; the respective rôles would be so
distributed as to secure the most effective action. From the moment of
the offending nation’s defiance of the international agreement to which
it had been a party, its ships could enter no civilized ports outside
its own, nor leave them. Payment of debts to it would be withheld; the
commercial paper of its citizens would not be discounted; its citizens
could not travel in any civilized country in the world, their passports
being no longer recognized.
Thus, the outlaw nation could neither receive from nor send to the
outside world material or communication of any kind—neither food nor
raw material of manufacture, nor letters, nor cables. Money due to him
throughout the world would be sequestrated for disposal finally as the
international court’s judgment should direct; and that rule would apply
to royalties on patents and publications, and would, of course, involve
precautionary seizure or sequestration of all property—ships, goods, bank
balances, business—held by that nation’s citizens abroad.
It is doubtful whether at the present stage of international
understanding this arrangement could be carried beyond the point of using
it as a means to secure delay for enquiry in international disputes.
Its use as a sanction for the judgments of international tribunals will
probably require a wider agreement as to the foundations of international
law than at present exists. But a union of Christendom on the basis of
common action against aggression would be a very great step to the more
ambitious plans.
[Sidenote: Terms of outlawry: the Fabian plan.]
It has, however, been suggested (by the Fabian Society) to use this
method as a sanction for the judgment of an international court in the
following terms:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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