Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
With such a league of Europe constituted, the problem of reduction of
armaments would be automatically solved. Whatever force a united Europe
might suppose itself to require for possible defense would clearly
be far less than the sum of the existing armaments of the separate
States. Immense resources would be set free for the general purposes of
civilization, and especially for those costly social reforms on the
accomplishment of which depends the right of any nation to call itself
civilized at all. And if any one insists on looking at the settlement
from the point of view of material advantage—and that point of view will
and must be taken—it may be urged, without a shadow of doubt, that any
and every nation, the conquerors no less than the conquered, would gain
from a reduction of armaments far more than they could possibly gain by
pecuniary indemnities or cessions of territory which would leave every
nation still arming against the others with a view to future squandering
of resources in another great war. This is sheer common sense of the most
matter-of-fact kind.
A League of Europe is not Utopian. It is sound business.
[Sidenote: And we must prepare public opinion for the idea.]
Such a league, it is true, could hardly come into being immediately at
the peace. There must be preparation of opinion first; and, not less
important, there must be such changes in the government of the monarchic
States as will insure the control of their policy by popular opinion;
otherwise we might get a league in which the preponderating influence
would be with autocratic emperors. But in making peace the future league
must be kept in view. Everything must be done that will further it, and
nothing that will hinder it. And what would hinder it most would be a
peace by which either there should be a return to the conditions before
the war—but of that there is little fear—or by which any one power, or
group of powers, should be given a hegemony over the others. For that
would mean a future war for the rehabilitation of the vanquished.
[Sidenote: View of peoples must supersede view of governments.]
The mood, therefore, which seems to be growing in England, that the
British must “punish” Germany by annihilating her as a political force;
the mood which seems to be growing in Germany, that she must annihilate
the British as the great disturbers of the peace—all such moods must be
resolutely discouraged. For on those lines no permanent peace can be
made. Militarism must be destroyed, not only in Germany but everywhere.
Limitation of armaments must be general, not imposed only on the
vanquished by victors who propose themselves to remain fully armed.
The view of peoples must be substituted once for all for the view of
governments, and the view of peoples is no domination, and, therefore,
no war, but a union of nations developing freely on their own lines, and
settling all disputes by arbitration.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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