A week before the trial, Stewart interviewed George Kelley. Kelley
still considered himself a friend of Sacco’s and said so. The arrest
made no difference. He had visited Sacco in jail, and his wife had
stayed with Rosina during her confinement. Many a time before this
trouble the two men, next-door neighbors, had chatted together at the
end of a long summer evening as Sacco was coming in from his garden.
Kelley did not think much of Sacco’s socialist ideas and had warned
him about airing them too freely. But Sacco had just laughed, saying
that what was in the heart had to come out of the mouth.
Stewart asked Kelley if he could describe Sacco’s cap. Kelley said
all he could remember about it was that it was dark. Then Stewart
showed him a cap and asked if it was Sacco’s. It was the cap found
near Berardelli’s body. Kelley did not want to say. When Stewart
pressed him for a definite opinion, he still declined. “I have an
opinion about the cap,” he said finally, expressing the prevailing
Dedham atmosphere, “but I don’t want to get a bomb up my ass.”
* * * * *
Moore and the Defense Committee had had differing ideas about how
the defense should be managed. Local lawyers might be useful,
indeed necessary, but Moore wanted them subordinate, subject to his
direction. He was in no hurry. This was, after all, his case. Not
until May did he start looking for any legal assistance. On the
nineteenth he wrote to a friend:
_The defense committee has agreed to pay the McAnarney brothers who
are supposed to be the highest grade porch climbers in the business,
$10,000 for their professional ability. They don’t care how we get
the money. We don’t particularly care how they get results._
The McAnarneys, John, Thomas, and Jeremiah, had been practicing law
together thirty years in the tide-edged granite city of Quincy,
five miles south of Boston. John had been for thirteen years city
solicitor as well as president of the county bar association. Thomas
was associate justice of the district court. Jeremiah, the youngest,
was in general practice, and counsel for the Eastern Massachusetts
Street Railway. Second-generation Irish-Americans, piously Catholic,
conservative in attitudes and beliefs, they represented the middle
class that had moved away from the proletarian South Boston matrix
that had first sheltered the beaten immigrant survivors of the Famine
years. So far had the McAnarneys evolved in the more open environment
of Quincy that they had even become Republican—still an act of
apostasy in South Boston, if rewarding elsewhere. Thomas had been
appointed to the bench by Governor Calvin Coolidge.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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