Trial of the Officers and Crew of the Privateer Savannah, on the Charge of Piracy, in the United States Circuit Court for the Southern District of New YorkWarburton, A. F. (Adolphus Frederick)
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Trial of the Officers and Crew of the Privateer Savannah, on the Charge of Piracy, in the United States Circuit Court for the Southern District of New York
Warburton, A. F. (Adolphus Frederick)
Piracy -- United States; Privateering -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
But, suppose that the next Congress should pass a law providing that
the State of New York should pay all the expenses of this war for ten
years to come, if it last so long; and that every boy of eighteen
years, in the State of New York, should be mustered into the service,
and coerced to march to Washington within ten days; and that no man in
the State of New York should be permitted to go into another State
without permission from the Executive; or should do anything of a
similar character,--what course would the State of New York have under
such circumstances? What course, but disobedience to the law, or
insurrection, or revolution? Will my learned friends say that, in a
case like that, you could appeal to the arbitrament of the Supreme
Court of the United States? Is that so? Has the Supreme Court of the
United States, under such circumstances, any way of redressing this
wrong? But, suppose I concede that it has: what said the Republican
party in reference to that Court? I instance that party, because it has
the administration of the General Government.
I remember distinctly that MR. CHASE, now one of the Cabinet officers,
in a public speech, shortly before the Presidential election, and MR.
WADE, of Ohio, a Senator of the United States--both able men, grave
men, honorable men--insisted, before the people, that the Supreme Court
of the United States was a mere organization of a certain number of
respectable gentlemen, whose opinions were entirely conclusive, no
doubt, as between parties litigant, but had no control over the
political sentiments, rights, or actions of the people; that their
adjudications would be a rule and a precedent in future cases of just
the same character; but, beyond that, should have no efficacy whatever.
Gentlemen, I will tell you what, in confirmation of these views, Mr.
Lincoln says. In the Message that has been read to you he states
exactly the same thing, with the addition that, if we were to submit to
the Supreme Court of the United States to decide for us what is right
in our Government, and what principles should be maintained, and what
course the Administration should adopt, we would be surrendering to the
Supreme Court the political power of the nation, and would become a
species of serfs and slaves.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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