Germany, it is true, was obliged to abandon any hope of establishing
a port on the Persian Gulf. But there were grave uncertainties that
Koweit could ever be developed as a commercially profitable terminus
for the Bagdad Railway, whereas its very possession by a German company
would have been a constant source of irritation to Great Britain.
Basra, on the other hand, had obvious advantages. Like many of the
great harbors of the world—Hamburg, Bremen, Antwerp, London, New
York—it was on a river, rather than the open sea; and inasmuch as Great
Britain had agreed that the freedom of the open sea should be applied
to the Shatt-el-Arab, German ships were assured unrestricted access to
the southern terminus of the Bagdad Railway. In return for surrendering
the Basra-Persian Gulf section of the Bagdad system and for admitting
British capitalists to participation in the Bagdad and Basra ports
company, Germany received full recognition of her economic rights in
Anatolia, Syria, and northern Mesopotamia, together with a minor share
in Lord Inchcape’s navigation enterprises and in the newly formed
Turkish Petroleum Company. Above all, British opposition to the Bagdad
Railway, which had been so stubbornly maintained since 1903, was to be
a thing of the past. For these considerations Germany could well afford
to accept a subordinate place in southern Mesopotamia and to recognize
British interests in the Persian Gulf.
Great Britain gained even more than Germany. She abandoned her policy
of obstruction of the Bagdad Railway and consented to an increase
in the customs duties of the Ottoman Empire. These considerations
had never been ends in themselves, but rather pawns in the great
game of diplomacy, to be surrendered in return for other valuable
considerations. For them England secured guarantees of equality of
treatment for British citizens and British goods on the German railway
lines in Turkey. In addition, English capitalists received a monopoly
of navigation on the Tigris and Euphrates, a 40% interest in port and
terminal facilities at Bagdad and Basra, control of the oil resources
of the Mesopotamian valley, extensions to British-owned railways in
southern Anatolia, and other valuable economic concessions. British
political control was recognized as dominant in southern Mesopotamia;
therefore the Bagdad Railway no longer could be said to be a menace to
the safety of India. As for Britain’s new position in the Persian Gulf,
one of her own publicists said, “England has virtually annexed another
sea, one of the world’s highways.”[33]
DIPLOMATIC BARGAINING FAILS TO PRESERVE PEACE
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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