Subsequent events did nothing to restore Anglo-French unity in the
Near East. At the Washington Conference in December, 1921, Lord Lee
and M. Briand engaged in a verbal war over submarines which created no
little hard feeling and suspicion in both Great Britain and France.
Differences of opinion regarding Russia and other questions discussed
at the Genoa Conference, together with a clash over reparations in
midsummer, 1922, strained relations still further. Charges by Greeks
and Englishmen that France and Italy were supplying munitions to the
Turkish Nationalists were received with counter-charges that British
officers were aboard Greek warships and that British “observers” were
directing Greek military operations in Asia Minor.[27] Feeling ran high
in September, 1922, when—seeking to avoid a Near Eastern war—the French
and Italian Governments withdrew their troops from the Neutral Zone of
the Straits, leaving the British forces to face, alone, the victorious
Nationalist army of Mustapha Kemal Pasha. British patriots were further
irritated by the mysterious activities of M. Henri Franklin-Bouillon
in the negotiations preceding the Mudania armistice and by the claims
of the Paris press to a great victory thereby for French prestige at
Angora and Constantinople. Fundamental differences of opinion regarding
reparations—culminating in the French invasion of the Ruhr in January,
1923—made still more difficult coöperation by the former Allies in
the Near East. In fact, it might be questioned whether the Entente
Cordiale any longer existed.
This situation was brought into sharp relief at the first Lausanne
Conference for Peace in the East.[28] Great Britain’s interests were
chiefly territorial. She had abandoned all hope of destroying Turkish
power by creating a Greek empire in Asia Minor; Greece was gone from
Smyrna for good. But England was determined to maintain her hold in
Mesopotamia—particularly in the oilfields of Mosul—and to hold out for
neutralization of the Straits. These territorial questions occupied
the major part of the first six weeks of the Conference. France had no
interest in the decisions regarding the Straits and Mosul; therefore
she supported the Turks and placed Lord Curzon in the position of
appearing to be the real opponent of Turkish Nationalist ambitions and
the principal obstacle in the way of an equitable settlement. Lord
Curzon himself strengthened this impression, for many of his utterances
were provocative and bombastic in the extreme—apparently he would not
give up the idea that the Turks could be bluffed and bullied into
submission.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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