[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as páhos and nakwákwocis are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name “abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and paraphernalia. [89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza. [90] Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit. [91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as at Zuñi in the kivas. [92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers, and hence is ordinarily used. [93] To these prayers he alone responds “Antcai,” right. [94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuñi the open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described. [95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 66. [96] “Adventures in Zuñi,” Century Magazine, vol. XXV, p. 507 et seq. [97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zuñi, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the Síocálako and the Hopi Cálako is different. No girls (mánas) were represented in the Síocálako. [98] All the women and children of this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before. [99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of Pálülükoñûh (Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893). [100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I). [101] The association of Eótoto with Íntiwa has already been described in my account of the Nimánkatcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1). [102] Explanation of the diagram: _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_ and _a′_, _b′_, _c′_ _d′_, successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern and southern sides of the plaza; _e_, Eótoto; _h_, Hahaíwüqti; _i_, Íntiwa; _k_, Koyímise; _m_, accompanying celebrants. The figures _a_–_d_ and _a′_–_d′_ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines, over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials. [103] The general character of the Wáwac described in my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the masks made use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at this time was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a digression from the subject of this article. [104] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1. [105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for each cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciwáata, sisters of the Pawíkkatcinas.