Irish question; Ulster (Northern Ireland and Ireland) -- Politics and government
That is probably as near as one can get to a solution of the question.
Those who happen to agree with the purpose for which a rebellion takes
place think the rebels in the right; those who disagree think them in
the wrong. As Mr. Winston Churchill succinctly puts it when commenting
on the strictures passed on his father for "inciting" Ulster to resist
Home Rule, "Constitutional authorities will measure their censures
according to their political opinions." He reminds us, moreover, that
when Lord Randolph was denounced as a "rebel in the skin of a Tory," the
latter "was able to cite the authority of Lord Althorp, Sir Robert Peel,
Mr. Morley, and the Prime Minister (Gladstone) himself, in support of
the contention that circumstances might justify morally, if not
technically, violent resistance and even civil war."[42]
To this distinguished catalogue of authorities an Ulster apologist might
have added the name of the Chief Secretary for Ireland in Mr. Asquith's
own Cabinet, who admitted in 1912 that "if the religion of the
Protestants were oppressed or their property despoiled they would be
right to fight[43];" which meant that Mr. Birrell did not condemn
fighting in itself, provided he were allowed to decide when the occasion
for it had arisen. Greater authorities than Mr. Birrell held that the
Ulster case for resistance was a good and valid one as it stood. No
English statesman of the last half-century has deservedly enjoyed a
higher reputation for political probity, combined with sound common
sense, than the eighth Duke of Devonshire. As long ago as 1893, when
this same issue had already been raised in circumstances much less
favourable to Ulster than after the passing of the Parliament Act in
1911, the Duke of Devonshire said:
"The people of Ulster believe, rightly or wrongly, that under a
Government responsible to an Imperial Parliament they possess at
present the fullest security which they can possess of their
personal freedom, their liberties, and their right to transact
their own business in their own way. You have no right to offer
them any inferior security to that; and if, after weighing the
character of the Government which it is sought to impose upon them,
they resolve that they are no longer bound to obey a law which does
not give them equal and just protection with their fellow subjects,
who can say--how at all events can the descendants of those who
resisted King James II say, that they have not a right, if they
think fit, to resist, if they think they have the power, the
imposition of a Government put upon them by force?"[44]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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