Irish question; Ulster (Northern Ireland and Ireland) -- Politics and government
The rebellion was the subject of debates in both Houses of Parliament on
the 10th and 11th of May--Mr. Birrell having in the interval, to use a
phrase of Carlyle's, "taken himself and his incompetence
elsewhere"--when Mr. Dillon, speaking for the Nationalist Party, poured
forth a flood of passionate sympathy with the rebels, declaring that he
was proud of youths who could boast of having slaughtered British
soldiers, and he denounced the Government for suppressing the rising in
"a sea of blood." The actual fact was, that out of a large number of
prisoners taken red-handed in the act of armed rebellion who were
condemned to death after trial by court-martial, the great majority were
reprieved, and thirteen in all were executed. Whether such measures
deserved the frightful description coined by Mr. Dillon's flamboyant
rhetoric everybody can judge for himself, after considering whether in
any other country or at any other period of the world's history, active
assistance of a foreign enemy--for that is what it amounted to--has been
visited with a more lenient retribution.
On the same day that Mr. Dillon thus justified the whole basis of
Ulster's unchanging attitude towards Nationalism by blurting out his
sympathy with England's enemies, Mr. Asquith announced that he was
himself going to Ireland to investigate matters on the spot. These two
events, Mr. Dillon's speech and the Prime Minister's visit to
Dublin--where he certainly exhibited no stern anger against the rebels,
even if the stories were exaggerated which reported him to have shown
them ostentatious friendliness--went far to transform what had been a
wretched fiasco into a success. Cowed at first by their complete
failure, the rebels found encouragement in the complacency of the Prime
Minister, and the fear or sympathy, whichever it was, of the Nationalist
Party. From that moment they rapidly increased in influence, until they
proved two years later that they had become the predominant power all
over Ireland except in Ulster.
In Ulster the rebellion was regarded with mixed feelings. The strongest
sentiment was one of horror at the treacherous blow dealt to the Empire
while engaged in a life-and-death struggle with a foreign enemy. But,
was it unpardonably Pharisaic if there was also some self-glorification
in the thought that Ulstermen in this respect were not as other men
were? There was also a prevalent feeling that after what had occurred
they would hear no more of Home Rule, at any rate during the war. It
appeared inconceivable that any sane Government could think of handing
over the control of Ireland in time of war to people who had just proved
their active hostility to Great Britain in so unmistakable a fashion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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