Irish question; Ulster (Northern Ireland and Ireland) -- Politics and government
Where there was no law establishing military service for Ireland, what
"alteration or regulation" respecting such a law can legally bind? Can
an enactment such as Conscription, affecting the legal and moral rights
of an entire people, be described as an "alteration" or "regulation"
springing from a pre-existing law? Is the Treaty to be construed as
Britain pleases, and always to the prejudice of the weaker side?
British military statecraft has hitherto rigidly held by a separate
tradition for Ireland. The Territorial military system, created in 1907
for Great Britain, was not set up in Ireland. The Irish Militia was then
actually disbanded, and the War Office insisted that no Territorial
force to replace it should be embodied. Stranger still, the Volunteer
Acts (Naval or Military) from 1804 to 1900 (some twenty in all) were
never extended to Ireland. In 1880, when a Conservative House of Commons
agreed to tolerate volunteering, the measure was thrown out by the House
of Lords on the plea that Irishmen must not be allowed to learn the use
of arms.
For, despite the Bill of Rights, the privilege of free citizens to bear
arms in self-defence has been refused to us. The Constitution of America
affirms that right as appertaining to the common people, but the men of
Ireland are forbidden to bear arms in their own defence. Where, then,
lies the basis of the claim that they can be forced to take them up for
the defence of others?
It will suffice to present such considerations in outline without
disinterring the details of the past misgovernment of our country. Mr.
Gladstone avowed that these were marked by "every horror and every shame
that could disgrace the relations between a strong country and a weak
one." After an orgy of Martial Law the Scottish General, Abercromby,
Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, wrote: "Every crime, every cruelty that
could be committed by Cossacks or Calmucks has been transacted here....
The abuses of all kinds I found can scarcely be believed or enumerated."
Lord Holland recalls that many people "were sold at so much a head to
the Prussians."
We shall, therefore, pass by the story of the destruction of our
manufactures, of artificial famines, of the fomentation of uprisings, of
a hundred Coercion Acts, culminating in the perpetual "Act of
Repression" obtained by forgery, which graced Queen Victoria's Jubilee
Year in 1887. In our island the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, the
repression of free speech, gibbetings, shootings, and bayonetings, are
commonplace events. The effects of forced emigration and famine American
generosity has softened; and we do not seek a verdict on the general
merits of a system which enjoys the commendation of no foreigner except
Albert, Prince Consort, who declared that the Irish "were no more worthy
of sympathy than the Poles."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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