The tendency thus disclosed to treat the judges of our highest courts as political officers whose social and economic bias regarding legislation must be known in advance is, of course, ruinous to the performance of their ordinary judicial functions. The electorate will obtain what it wants, and perhaps what it may be entitled to, from the judges, but at the expense of the disruption of the whole judicial system. That would indeed be a calamity. Disorganization in the administration of justice, due to the popular attitude toward judges and the courts, is even now beginning to be felt. It will very soon become apparent that in the rebuilding of our judicial system courts which handle the general mass of litigation must be confined strictly to judicial functions. They must administer the law as established by the legislature and always in subordination to the legislature. If, then, we are to keep our present plan of protecting property by means of a court and a constitution, a special court of last resort must be established for deciding all constitutional questions, the validity of all municipal ordinances, and all other classes of cases where the issue is drawn between the electorate acting through a popular legislative body, and property interests. In order that the veto of the court may not be too drastic in its effect, there should be given to the single chamber legislature the power to “steam-roller” its judicial veto by a second passage of the act after a suitable interval and its approval on a referendum. Thus we shall have evolved a practicable second chamber protecting property interests. It would be only a short step to provide for the submission of all acts to such a court before they became laws, with a right on the part of litigants to bring up the question of the validity of the acts as upon a rehearing. Then it would seem most reasonable that when an act was presented to the special court of appeal before it became law and found to be unconstitutional, the court should have power to redraft the act so that it would accomplish what was desired so far as the same was permitted by the constitution. If ultimately the right of litigants to attack the validity of any act which had passed both the legislature and the court should be cut off, and if the constitutional limitations upon the legislature should entirely disappear, while at the same time the members of the body which scrutinized the acts passed by the popular chamber were appointed by the council of state and held office for a considerable period, we should have, in what started as a judicial tribunal, a real second chamber functioning like other second chambers in furnishing an additional security against legislation which was unfair to property interests.[34]