Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval HistoryVinogradoff, Paul
History
Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History
Vinogradoff, Paul
Villeinage -- England -- History -- To 1500
in the number of free tenancies[449].
[Personal subjection.]
The courts made some attempts to utilise personal subjection as a
distinctive feature of born villains. If it had been possible to follow
out the principle, we should have been able to distinguish between
villains proper and men of free blood holding in villainage. The attempt
miscarried in practice, although the King's courts were acting in this
case in conjunction with local custom and local juries. The reason of
the failure is disclosed by manorial documents. Merchet, the most
debasing incident of personal villainage, appears so widely spread in
the Hundred Rolls that there can be no question, at least at the close
of the thirteenth century, of treating it as a sure test of personal
subjection. We cannot admit even for one moment that the whole peasant
population of entire counties was descended from personal slaves, as the
diffusion of merchet would lead us to suppose. The appearance of the
distinction is quite as characteristic as its gradual collapse. The
original idea underlying it was to connect villain status with personal
slavery, and it failed because the incidents of personal slavery were
confused with other facts which were quite independent of it and which
were expanded over a very large area instead of a very restricted one.
[Three tests of serfdom.]
And now we have ready the several links of one chain. The three tests of
serfdom applied by our documents are connected with each other by the
very terms in which they are stated, and at the same time they present
three consecutive stages of development. The notion of serfdom is
originally confined to forms of personal subjection and to the
possession of land under the bane of personal subjection: in this sense
servitude is a narrow term, and the condition denoted by it is
exceptional. In its second meaning it connects itself with rural labour
and spreads over the whole class of peasants engaged in it. In its last
and broadest sense it includes all the people and all the land not
protected by the Common Law. We have no evidence as to the chronological
landmarks between these several epochs, and it is clear that the passage
from one to another was very gradual, and by no means implied the
absolute disappearance of ancient terms. But it seems hardly doubtful
that the movement was effected in the direction described; both the
intrinsic evidence of the notions under discussion and their appearance
in our documents point this way.
[History of free peasantry.]
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