Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval HistoryVinogradoff, Paul
History
Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History
Vinogradoff, Paul
Villeinage -- England -- History -- To 1500
I think that upon the whole we must say that in practice the very marked
contrast between the general arrangement of the holdings and the Kentish
one is more a difference in the way of reckoning than in actual
occupation, in legal forms than in economical substance. The general
arrangement admitted a certain subdivision under the cover of an
artificial unity which found its expression in the settlement of the
services and of the relations with the lord[506]. The English case has
its parallel on the Continent in this respect. In Alsace, for instance,
the holding was united under one 'Träger' or bearer of the manorial
duties; but by the side of him other people are found who participate
with this official holder in the ownership and in the cultivation[507].
The second system also kept up the artificial existence of the higher
units, and obvious interests prevented it from leading to a
'morcellement' of land into very small portions in practice. The
economic management of land could not go as far as the legal partition.
In practice the subdivision was certainly checked, as in the virgate
system, by the necessity of keeping together the cattle necessary for
the tillage. Virgates and bovates would arise of themselves: it was not
advantageous to split the yoke of two oxen, the smallest possible
plough; and co-heirs had to think even more when they inherited one ox
with its ox-gang of land. The animal could not be divided, and this
certainly must have stopped in many cases the division of land. When the
documents speak of plots containing two or three acres, it must be
remembered that such crofts and cotlands occur also in the usual system,
and I do not see any reason to suppose that the existence of such
subdivided rights always indicated a real dispersion of the economic
unit: they may have stood as a landmark of the relative rights of joint
occupiers. I do not mean to say, of course, that there was no real basis
for the very great difference which is assumed by the two ways of
describing the tenements. No doubt the hand of the lord lay heavier on
the Essex people than on the Kentish men, their occupation and usage of
the land was more under the control of the lord, and assumed therefore
an aspect of greater regularity and order. Again, the legal privileges
of the Kentish people opened the way towards a greater development of
individual freedom and a certain looseness of social relations. Still it
would be wrong to infer too much from this formal opposition. In both
cases the centripetal and the centrifugal tendency are working against
each other in the same way, although one case presents the stronger
influence of disruptive forces, and the other gives predominance to the
collective power. In the history of socage and military tenure the
system of unity arose gradually, and without any sudden break, out of
the system of division. The intimate connexion between both forms is
even more natural in peasant ownership, which had to operate with small
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