Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval HistoryVinogradoff, Paul
History
Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History
Vinogradoff, Paul
Villeinage -- England -- History -- To 1500
Such serious contradictions and incongruities lead us forcibly to the
conclusion that we have a state of transition before us, an institution
that is in some degree distorted and warped from its original shape. In
this respect the manorial element comes strongly to the fore. The rough
scale of holdings would be grossly against justice for purely communal
purposes, but it is not only the occupation of land, but also the
incidence of services that is regulated by it. People would not so much
complain of holding five acres instead of thirty, if they had to work
and to pay six times less in the first case. Again, a division of
tenements fixed once and for all in spite of changes in the numbers and
wants of the population, looks anything but convenient. At the same time
the fixed scheme of the division offers a ready basis for computing
rents and assessing labour services. And for the sake of the lord it was
advisable to preserve outward unity even when the system was actually
breaking up: for dealings with the manorial administration virgates
remained undivided, even when they were no longer occupied as integral
units.
Although the holdings are undoubtedly made subservient to the wants of
the manor, it would be going a great deal too far to suppose that they
were formed with the primary object of meeting those wants. If we look
closer into the structure we find that it is based on the relation
between the plough-team and the arable, a relation which is more or less
constant and explains the gradations and the mode of apportionment. The
division of the land is no indefinite or capricious one, because the
land has to be used in certain quantities, and smaller quantities or
fractions would disarrange the natural connexion between the soil and
the forces that make it productive. The society of those days appears as
an agricultural mass consisting not of individual persons or natural
families, but of groups possessed of the implements for tilling the
land. Its unit of reckoning is not the man, but the plough-beast. As the
model plough-team happens to be a very large one, the large unit of the
hide is adopted. Lesser quantities may be formed also, but still they
correspond to aliquot parts of the full team of eight oxen. Thus the
possible gradations are not so many or so gentle as in our own time, but
are in the main the half plough-land, the virgate, and the oxgang. What
else there is can be only regarded as subsidiary to the main
arrangement: the cotters and crofters are not tenants in the fields,
but gardeners, labourers, craftsmen, herdsmen, and the like. If the
country had not been mainly cultivated as ploughland, but had borne
vines or olives or crops that required no cumbersome implements, but
intense and individualistic labour, one may readily believe that the
holdings would have been more compact, and also more irregular.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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