It is clear, therefore, that Marx saw, as early as 1850, little
revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and
political conspiracies. The day was past for insurrections, and a real
revolution could only arrive as a result of economic forces and class
antagonisms. And it is quite obvious that he was becoming more and more
irritated by the sentimentalism and dress-parade revolutionism of the
socialist sects. He looked upon their projects as childish and
theatrical, that gave as little promise of changing the world's history
as battles between tin soldiers on some nursery floor. He seemed no
longer concerned with ideals, abstract rights, or "eternal verities."
Those who misunderstood him or were little associated with him were
horrified at what they thought was his cynical indifference to such
glorious visions as liberty, fraternity, and equality. Like Darwin, Marx
was always an earnest seeker of facts and forces. He was laying the
foundations of a scientific socialism and dissecting the anatomy of
capitalism in pursuit of the laws of social evolution. The gigantic
intellectual labors of Marx from 1850 to 1870 are to-day receiving due
attention, and, while one after another of the later economists has been
forced reluctantly to acknowledge his genius, few now will take issue
with Professor Albion W. Small when he says, "I confidently predict that
in the ultimate judgment of history Marx will have a place in social
science analogous with that of Galileo in physical science."[19] In
exile, and often desperate poverty, Marx worked out with infinite care
the scientific basis of the generalization--first given to the world in
the Communist Manifesto--that social and political institutions are the
product of economic forces. In all periods there have been antagonistic
economic classes whose relative power is determined by struggles between
them. "Freedman and slave," he says, "patrician and plebeian, lord and
serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended
either in a revolutionary reconstruction of society at large, or in the
common ruin of the contending classes."[20] Here is a summary of that
conflict which Professor Small declares "is to the social process what
friction is to mechanics."[21] It may well be that "the fact of class
struggle is as axiomatic to-day as the fact of gravitation,"[22] yet,
when Marx first elaborated his theory, it was not only a revolutionary
doctrine among the socialist sects, but like Darwin's theory of
evolution it was assailed from every angle by every school of
economists. The important practical question that arises out of this
scientific work, and which particularly concerns us here, is that this
theory of the class struggle forever destroyed the old ideas of
revolution, scrap-heaped conspiracies and insurrections, and laid the
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