The clearest statement, perhaps, of Marx's idea of the revolutionary
character of political activity is to be found in the address which he
prepared at the request of the public meeting that launched the
International. He traces there briefly the conditions of the working
class in England. After depicting the misery of the masses, he hastily
reviews the growth of the labor movement that ended with the Chartist
agitation. Although from 1848 to 1864 was a period when the English
working class seemed, he says, "thoroughly reconciled to a state of
political nullity,"[25] nevertheless two encouraging developments had
taken place. One was the victory won by the working classes in carrying
the Ten Hours Bill. It was "not only a great practical success; it was
the victory of a principle; it was the first time that in broad daylight
the political economy of the middle class succumbed to the political
economy of the working class."[26] The other victory was the growth of
the cooeperative movement. "The value of these great social experiments
cannot be overrated," he says. "By deed, instead of by argument, they
have shown that production on a large scale, and in accord with the
behests of modern science, may be carried on without the existence of a
class of masters employing a class of hands."[27] Arguing that
cooeperative labor should be developed to national dimensions and be
fostered by State funds, he urges working-class political action as the
means to achieve this end. "To conquer political power has therefore
become the great duty of the working classes."[28] This is the
conclusion of Marx concerning revolutionary methods; and it is clear
that his conception of "revolutionary action" differed not only from
that of the Proudhonians and Mazzinians, but also from that of "the
bourgeois democrats, the revolution-makers,"[29] who "extemporized
revolutions."[30]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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