Whether it were better to move gradually and peacefully along what
seemed a never-ending road to emancipation or to begin the revolution at
once by insurrection and civil war--this was in reality the question
which, from that moment on, agitated the International. It had always
troubled more or less the earlier organizations of labor, and now, aided
by Bakounin's eloquence and fiery revolutionism, it became the great
bone of contention throughout Europe. The struggles in the International
between those who became known later as the anarchists and the
socialists remind one of certain Greek stories, in which the outstanding
figures seem to impersonate mighty forces, and it is not impossible that
one day they may serve as material for a social epic. We all know to-day
the interminable study that engages the theologians in their attempts to
describe the battles and schisms in the early Christian Church. And
there can be no doubt that, if socialism fulfills the purpose which its
advocates have in mind, these early struggles in its history will become
the object of endless research and commentary. The calumnies, the feuds,
the misunderstandings, the clashing of doctrines, the antagonism of the
ruling spirits, the plots and conspiracies, the victories and
defeats--all these various phases of this war to the death between
socialists and anarchists--will in that case present to history the most
vital struggle of this age. But, whatever may be the outcome of the
socialist movement, it is hardly too much to say that to both anarchists
and socialists these struggles seemed, at the time they were taking
place, of supreme importance to the destinies of humanity.
The contending titans of this war were, of course, Karl Marx and Michael
Bakounin. It is hardly necessary to go into the personal feud that
played so conspicuous a part in the struggle between them. Perhaps no
one at this late day can prove what Marx and his friends themselves were
unable to prove--although they never ceased repeating the
allegations--that Bakounin was a spy of the Russian Government, that his
life had been thrice spared through the influence of that Government,
that he was treacherous and dishonest, and that his sole purpose was to
disrupt and destroy the International Working Men's Association. Nor is
it necessary to consider the charges made against Marx--some of them
time has already taken care of--that he was domineering, malicious, and
ambitious, that his spirit was actuated by intrigue, and that, when he
conceived a dislike for anyone, he was merciless and conscienceless in
his warfare on that one. Incompatibility of temperament and of
personality played its part in the battles between these two, but, even
had there been no mutual dislike, the differences between their
principles and tactics would have necessitated a battle _a outrance_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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