conditions which must exist previous to the birth of a new historic or
economic period.
In speaking of the antagonism between Marx and Bakounin in this earlier
period, I do not mean to convey the impression that it was the cause of
the dissensions that arose later. The slightest knowledge of Bakounin's
philosophy and methods is enough to make one realize that neither the
International nor any considerable section of the labor or socialist
movements had anything in common with those ideas. Certainly the thought
and policies of Marx were directly opposed to everything from first to
last that Bakounin stood for. Nothing could be more grotesque than the
idea that Marxism and Bakouninism could be blended, or indeed exist
together, in any semblance of harmony. Every thought, policy, and method
of the two clashed furiously. It would be impossible to conceive of two
other minds that were on so many points such worlds apart. Both Bakounin
and Marx instinctively felt this essential antagonism, yet the former
wrote Marx, in December, 1868, when he was preparing to enter the
International, assuring him that he had had a change of heart and that
"my country, now, _c'est l'Internationale_, of which you are one of the
principal founders. You see then, dear friend, that I am your disciple
and I am proud to be it."[9] He then signs himself affectionately, "Your
devoted M. Bakounin."[10]
With an olive branch such as that arrived the new "disciple" of Marx.
He then set to work without a moment's delay to capture the
International congress which was to be held at Basel, September, 1869.
And it was there that the first battle occurred. From the very moment
that the congress opened it was clear that on every important question
there was to be a division. Most unexpectedly, the first struggle arose
over a question that seemed not at all fundamental at the time, but
which, as the later history of socialism shows, was really basic. The
father of direct legislation, Rittinghausen, was a delegate to the
congress from Germany. He begged the congress for an opportunity to
present his ideas, and he won the support, quite naturally, of the
Marxian elements. In his preliminary statement to the congress he said:
"You are going to occupy yourselves at length with the great social
reforms that you think necessary in order to put an end to the
deplorable situation of the labor world. Is it then less necessary for
you to occupy yourselves with methods of execution by which you may
accomplish these reforms? I hear many among you say that you wish to
attain your end by _revolution_. Well, comrades, revolution, as a matter
of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
will perish miserably like that of 1848. You will be the prey of the
most violent reaction and you will be forced anew to suffer years of
oppression and disgrace.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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