War and the Future: Italy, France and Britain at WarWells, H. G. (Herbert George)
History
War and the Future: Italy, France and Britain at War
Wells, H. G. (Herbert George)
World War, 1914-1918
I do not know how far Americans are aware of the trend of feeling in
Europe at the present time. Both France and Great Britain have a sense
of righteousness in this war such as no nation, no people, has ever felt
in war before. We know we are fighting to save all the world from the
rule of force and the unquestioned supremacy of the military idea. Few
Frenchmen or Englishmen can imagine the war presenting itself to an
American intelligence under any other guise. At the invasion of Belgium
we were astonished that America did nothing. At the sinking of the
_Lusitania_ all Europe looked to America. The British mind contemplates
the spectacle of American destroyers acting as bottleholders to German
submarines with a dazzled astonishment. “Manila,” we gasp. In England we
find excuses for America in our own past. In '64 we betrayed Denmark; in
'70 we deserted France. The French have not these memories. They do
not understand the damning temptations of those who feel they are
“_au-dessus de la melee._” They believe they had some share in the
independence of America, that there is a sacred cause in republicanism,
that there are grounds for a peculiar sympathy between France and the
United States in republican institutions. They do not realise that
Germany and America have a common experience in recent industrial
development, and a common belief in the “degeneracy” of all nations with
a lower rate of trade expansion. They do not realise how a political
campaign with the slogan of “Peace and a Full Dinner-Pail” looks in the
middle west, what an honest, simple, rational appeal it makes there.
Atmospheres alter values. In Europe, strung up to tragic and majestic
issues, to Europe gripping a gigantic evil in a death struggle, that
would seem an inscription worthy of a pigsty. A child in Europe would
know now that the context is, “until the bacon-buyer calls,” and it is
difficult to realise that adult citizens in America may be incapable of
realising that obvious context.
I set these things down plainly. There is a very strong disposition in
all the European countries to believe America fundamentally indifferent
to the rights and wrongs of the European struggle; sentimentally
interested perhaps, but fundamentally indifferent. President Wilson
is regarded as a mere academic sentimentalist by a great number of
Europeans. There is a very widespread disposition to treat America
lightly and contemptuously, to believe that America, as one man put it
to me recently, “hasn't the heart to do anything great or the guts to do
anything wicked.” There is a strong undercurrent of hostility therefore
to the idea of America having any voice whatever in the final settlement
after the war. It is not for a British writer to analyse the appearance
that have thus affected American world prestige. I am telling what I
have observed.
Let me relate two trivial anecdotes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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