War and the Future: Italy, France and Britain at WarWells, H. G. (Herbert George)
History
War and the Future: Italy, France and Britain at War
Wells, H. G. (Herbert George)
World War, 1914-1918
He becomes an employee between thirteen and fifteen; he is made to do
work he does not like for no other purpose that he can see except the
profit and glory of a fortunate person called his employer, behind whom
stand church and state blessing and upholding the relationship. He is
not allowed to feel that he has any share whatever in the employer's
business, or that any end is served but the employer's profit. He cannot
see that the employer acknowledges any duty to the state. Neither church
nor state seems to insist that the employer has any public function.
At no point does the employee come into a clear relationship of mutual
obligation with the state. There does not seem to be any way out for the
employee from a life spent in this subordinate, toilsome relationship.
He feels put upon and cheated out of life. He is without honour. If
he is a person of ability or stubborn temper he struggles out of his
position; if he is a kindly and generous person he blames his “luck” and
does his work and lives his life as cheerfully as possible--and so live
the bulk of our amazing European workers; if he is a being of great
magnanimity he is content to serve for the ultimate good of the race; if
he has imagination, he says, “Things will not always be like this,”
and becomes a socialist or a guild socialist, and tries to educate the
employer to a sense of reciprocal duty; but if he is too human for any
of these things, then he begins to despise and hate the employer and the
system that made him. He wants to hurt them. Upon that hate it is easy
to trade.
A certain section of what is called the Socialist press and the
Socialist literature in Europe is no doubt great-minded; it seeks to
carve a better world out of the present. But much of it is socialist
only in name. Its spirit is Anarchistic. Its real burthen is not
construction but grievance; it tells the bitter tale of the employee, it
feeds and organises his malice, it schemes annoyance and injury for the
hated employer. The state and the order of the world is confounded with
the capitalist. Before the war the popular so-called socialist press
reeked with the cant of rebellion, the cant of any sort of rebellion.
“I'm a rebel,” was the silly boast of the young disciple. “Spoil
something, set fire to something,” was held to be the proper text for
any girl or lad of spirit. And this blind discontent carried on into
the war. While on the one hand a great rush of men poured into the army
saying, “Thank God! we can serve our country at last instead of some
beastly profiteer,” a sourer remnant, blind to the greater issues of
the war, clung to the reasonless proposition, “the state is only for
the Capitalist. This war is got up by Capitalists. Whatever has to be
done--_we are rebels._”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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