Washington and his colleagues; a chronicle of the rise and fall of federalismFord, Henry Jones
History
Washington and his colleagues; a chronicle of the rise and fall of federalism
Ford, Henry Jones
Federal Party (U.S.); United States -- History -- Constitutional period, 1789-1809; Washington, George, 1732-1799
The Federalist party as then conducted was the exponent of a theory of
government that was everywhere decaying. The alien and sedition laws were
condemned and discarded by the forces of national politics, and state
action was as futile in effect as it was mischievous in principle. It
diverted the issue in a way that might have ultimately turned to the
advantage of the Federalist party, had it possessed the usual power of
adaptation to circumstances. After all, there was no reason inherent
in the nature of that party why it should not have perpetuated its
organization and repaired its fortunes by learning how to derive authority
from public opinion. The needed transformation of character would have
been no greater than has often been accomplished in party history. Indeed,
there is something abnormal in the complete prostration and eventual
extinction of the Federalist party; and the explanation is to be found in
the extraordinary character of Adams's administration. It gave such
prominence and energy to individual aims and interests that the party was
rent to pieces by them.
In communicating the X.Y.Z. dispatches to Congress, Adams declared: "I
will never send another Minister to France without assurance that he will
be received, respected, and honored, as the representative of a great,
free, powerful, and independent nation." But on receiving an authentic
though roundabout intimation that a new mission would have a friendly
reception, he concluded to dispense with direct assurances, and, without
consulting his Cabinet, sent a message to the Senate on February 18, 1799,
nominating Murray, then American Minister to Holland, to be Minister to
France. This unexpected action stunned the Federalists and delighted the
Republicans as it endorsed the position they had always taken that war
talk was folly and that France was ready to be friendly if America would
treat her fairly. "Had the foulest heart and the ablest head in the
world," wrote Senator Sedgwick to Hamilton, "been permitted to select the
most embarrassing and ruinous measure, perhaps it would have been
precisely the one which has been adopted." Hamilton advised that
"the measure must go into effect with the additional idea of a commission
of three." The committee of the Senate to whom the nomination was referred
made a call upon Adams to inquire his reasons. According to Adams's own
account, they informed him that a commission would be more satisfactory to
the Senate and to the public. According to Secretary Pickering, Adams was
asked to withdraw the nomination and refused, but a few days later, on
hearing that the committee intended to report against confirmation, he
sent in a message nominating Chief Justice Ellsworth and Patrick Henry,
together with Murray, as envoys extraordinary. The Senate, much to Adams's
satisfaction, promptly confirmed the nominations, but this was because
Hamilton's influence had smoothed the way. Patrick Henry declined, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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